As the world commemorates International Women’s Day on March 8th, it is crucial to acknowledge the invaluable contributions made by Eritrean women to our country’s history. From the struggle for independence to nation-building and beyond, Eritrean women have played a vital role in shaping our nation’s destiny.
Eritrean women were integral to the Eritrean People’s Liberation during the 30-year war for independence. Serving in various capacities as combatants, nurses, and administrators, they demonstrated remarkable bravery and resilience in the face of adversity. Their contributions were critical to the success of the liberation movement.
Following independence in 1991, Eritrean women continued to make significant contributions to their country’s development, assuming leadership roles in education, healthcare, and agriculture, among other sectors. Their tireless efforts were instrumental in rebuilding the country after the devastating border war with Ethiopia from 1998 to 2000.
Today, Eritrean women remain at the forefront of the ongoing struggle for democracy and good governance in their country. They are unwavering in their commitment to human rights, social justice, and equality, even in the face of immense challenges such as arrest, imprisonment, and torture.
The sacrifices of Eritrean women have been immense, and their perseverance unparalleled. Juma and Rahma, the first Eritrean women to join the armed struggle, have become symbols of the courage and resilience of Eritrean women. However, we must not forget the many Eritrean women who are currently unjustly imprisoned without trial, such as Aster Fessehazion, Miriam Hagos, Senait Debesai, Aster Yohannes, and Ciham Ali. We must continue to advocate for their release.
“The woman is the pillar of the house, and the husband is the roof.”
This proverb highlights the importance of women as the foundation of families and society. It emphasizes the fact that women provide essential support and stability in all aspects of life.
As we commemorate International Women’s Day, we must express our appreciation for the incredible contributions that Eritrean women have made to their country. We urge all Eritreans to honor the history and role of Eritrean women and work towards creating a society that respects and empowers them. We must remember the sacrifices of Eritrean women and continue to support their struggle for justice, freedom, and democracy.
In conclusion, Eritrean women have played an indispensable role in their country’s history, from the struggle for independence to the ongoing fight for democracy and good governance. They have shown remarkable courage, resilience, and perseverance in the face of significant challenges. We must continue to acknowledge their sacrifices and work towards creating a society that values and empowers women.
The road to something better is never smooth. It’s always bumpy. Ups and downs, highs and lows, unfortunate circumstances, and lucky breaks. All part of the journey. What shouldn’t be compromised however is the quest to come up with something better. And that requires paying attention to when one chapter ends in the political arena and a new one begins.
On the Eritrean people’s journey to find a better system of government, herein lies a fork in the road. After at least two decades of trials, errors, debates, arguments, false starts, hopes and squandered opportunities, two major schools of thought have bubbled to the top. Now, regardless of where in the political spectrum they have been, Eritreans are faced with stark choices: rebrand the current opposition or prepare a blueprint for the post-Isaias period instead.
Stuck in a Rut
Dictatorship breeds resistance, which inevitably evolves into organized and unorganized movements for change. Throughout history, that’s how it always worked. When a movement for change becomes strong and credible enough to be trusted, to be perceived as a better alternative than the status quo, the public eventually rises behind it.
The first half of the equation is pretty much what transpired in Eritrea; resistance to dictatorship manifested in a variety of forms, mostly unorganized. When it comes to garnering widespread support, however, it kept on fizzling like soap bubbles that burst into nothing before you can notice them. Credibility is about making the public believe in the proposed ideas and trusting the people behind them. Shortages of credibility, competence, honesty, patriotism, and trustworthiness result in burst bubbles.
There could be many arguments made on why the opposition lacks these basic ingredients. If there is one thing that is hard to ignore however, it is the fact that when it comes to Eritrean stability, national security, and preserving national pride – the glue that binds a nation – the current government was indeed perceived better.
And given what transpired in the past couple of years during the Ethiopian civil war, by siding with Eritrea’s arch enemy, the TPLF, the radical wing of the opposition totally lost what little credibility it had left.
The result is what we have today. Having failed to prioritize Eritrea, the divided and weakened opposition is now in no position to be seen as an alternative, other than a nuisance to a stable transition. By sidelining and constantly undermining the efforts of Eritrean nationalists who are struggling to bring about genuine change without destroying the country in the process, the hard-liners in the opposition have given us enough hints that democratic change may not be their primary agenda; they might even have ulterior motives.
Now that the wheat and chaff have separated, it is high time for adjusting strategies and goals.
From Mobilization to Transition
Political mobilization is a process by which the public is agitated to participate in collective action. It usually involves information exchange, demonstrations, and campaigns aimed at transforming passive individuals into active participants. The initial goal is to create awareness about the injustices committed under the current regime, with the hope that awareness will lead to change. Within the Diaspora-based opposition, it is safe to say that the awareness phase which has been going on now for well over 20 years is at a point where it has little to no diminishing returns. In short, there is hardly anyone left who does not know about the dire situation the country is in and the need for change. This is not the exclusive domain of those who call themselves “justice seekers”, it is also the wish of the silent majority and even those who publicly support the regime in power.
Constantly bemoaning the long list of what the government of Eritrea has committed or is failing to do, without proposing any viable alternative is where the state of the opposition is. What is a viable alternative then? Well, many things can be said about that but let’s stick with one: pragmatism. Pragmatism demands that in politics a flexible approach based on what can be achieved in the real world is better than what should be achieved in an ideal world. Reality has thought us a good lesson in recent years.
Chief among the lessons is that the division among Eritreans based on supporting or opposing the policies of the current regime is not sustainable. Fueled by the craziness of social media, it only seems to succeed in widening the gaps along political, religious, ethnic, and regional lines.
Everyone can participate in narrowing these gaps and denying enemies – domestic or foreign – to capitalize on them. Recognizing that we are all in it together, we need to stand shoulder-to-shoulder knowing that Eritrea’s future will be brighter than its present.
Pragmatism also forces us to look at another important aspect. The leaders that have influenced the pre-independence and post-independence chapters of the Eritrean journey are aging. The time to pass the baton to the next generation is now. Instead of continuing the fruitless back-and-forth debate among “supporters” and “opposition”, it’s now time to work on a peaceful, well-planned transition from the Ghedli generation to the Warsay generation.
That is why we need to move from prioritizing Mobilization to prioritizing Transition.
The Pillars of Sustainable Change
Let’s save the details of what the Transition phase entails for another day, but for the sake of simplicity, Transition is the bridge we must cross from where we are to where we want to be.
The process of shifting from a one-man dictatorship to a constitutional rule of law must be handled with great care, lest we end up like Somalia, Iraq, Congo, or Libya. Needless to say, nobody knows what the exact challenges will be in the Eritrean context but if we give due consideration to the following, we will be well prepared for any eventualities.
• Stable Transition – Nation-building in the absence of peace and security is unthinkable which also means there needs to be an undisputed institution that can maintain peace and security. That’s why is imperative that the Eritrean Defense Forces and security apparatus should be a central component to a peaceful and sustainable transition.
• National Harmony – The barrage of attempts to divide Eritreans along ethnic, regional, linguistic, religious, and other sub-national lines, have indeed failed. But we should remain even more vigilant and continue to bring our communities together so that we deny opportunities to those who wish to divide and conquer us.
• National Interest – Like all countries in the world, Eritrea has and will always have national interests that shouldn’t be compromised during a transitional period. Among these interests are sovereignty, economic development, regional stability, and minimizing external security threats. Any proposed plan should therefore respect these interests regardless of who is in power at any given time.
Beyond Isaias
For better or for worse, Isaias has created a totalitarian system that reflects his ideology and personality.
For over three decades, he maintained firm control over the levers of power. At this point, debating whether or not the steps he took to get us here were avoidable, good, bad, or in between, is irrelevant. Time makes everything irrelevant. What is done is done; we can only attempt to shape the future. But regardless of our opinion, Isaias is an aging leader whose prime days are behind him, and sooner than later he will exit the scene.
Without a constitutional process to guide the succession of power, we must try to create informal plans and mechanisms that will lessen the dangers of a power vacuum. Without that, confusion, fear, and even violence will become more likely.
To avoid this, it is the duty of every patriot to start exchanging ideas that can be part of a national blueprint for Eritrea’s next chapter. This new chapter is not about opposing or supporting; it is about preparing. Thus Eritreans from all walks of life should be part of it including those who are part of the Eritrean government, the PFDJ, the Eritrean Defense Forces, and of course the general public. Ideally, this would be done in an organized and centralized manner, but it does not have to start that way. The most important thing is we get started before it is too late.
What are your ideas on what should be included in the blueprint for transition? I invite you to share this with your contacts for further discussion and send me an email to [email protected]
Dear Eritrean diaspora refugee youth. You went through untold hardships, misery and life and death situations to arrive in Europe, Canada, and the United States. If you are ready to use it the western world provides an ample opportunity for self-improvement and change. Go to school, work hard to earn a living, and support your families at home and of course define your future. No government can be toppled by throwing stone at your fellow Eritrean compatriots. Please be aware that as resident of the western world, every person including those ardent Eritrean government supporters have the right to support whoever they want to support as long as they do not cross the law of the country where they reside.
Remember “Your right to swing your arms ends just where the other man’s nose begins”. When you try to cross that boundary, the law catches on. Those who are pushing you from behind do not cross the law themselves. Their job is to use you as a human instrument to achieve their economic and political objectives. Whatever level of hatred you may have against the Eritrean government it cannot be resolved by violence against fellow Eritreans. Violence will only burn you and your future.
Historical Background
The future of Eritrea and Its youth has been challenged many times. On 15, November 1962 when the Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie disbanded the Federation and annexed Eritrea, the youth flocked to the war front and joined the struggle to liberate Eritrea from Ethiopian occupiers. The Eritrean youth paid dear price to liberate their country in 1991. Although the struggle for independence achieved its objective, the 30 years bloody war and arduous journey brought Eritrea 50 years back. The human and economic cost was staggering for a small country like Eritrea to bear.
When Eritrea officially became an independent country on May 24, 1993, it seemed the future was bright and even those who fled the country, due to the Ethiopian occupation, were returning home. Yet the hope was short lived. Eritreans were once again forced to defend their country against the Tigray Liberation Front (TPLF) led invasion against Eritrea in May 1998. This war was different because it was instigated by the TPLF that was considered as the offspring of the Eritrean Liberation Front (EPLF). Again, the TPLF invasion against Eritrea consumed tens of thousands of Eritrean youths and dismantled about one third of Eritrean population from their villages.
After the war ended, the government of Eritrea and the then TPLF led Ethiopian Government agreed to adjudicate the boundary dispute in the court law. The Eritrea and Ethiopia Border Commission (EEBC) gave its ruling on April 13, 2002, and everyone was waiting for the demarcation of the border to start. Unfortunately, once again TPLF rejected the decision and dashed the prospect of peace in the Horn of Africa. Later TPLF continued its saber rattling, including conducting attacks deep inside Eritrean territory and targeting Eritrean Mining Operations with newly acquired missiles. Accordingly, the Eritrean youth were forced to stay in the trenches for close to 20 years.
TPLF and Western Intelligence agencies used such difficult situation as an opportunity to drain Eritrea’s youth from their country. TPLF’s Radio and Television stations continued telling the Eritrean youth if they came to Tigray, they would be resettled to the western world outrightly. Even Eritrean cattle herders as young as 11 years old left their cattle at the field and crossed to Tigray to be resettled to Europe, the US and Canada. Deceived by TPLF’s propaganda machine thousands of Eritrean youths ended up in TPLF managed refugee camps in northern Ethiopia and became the cash cows of TPLF extortion machinery. To show its success in dismantling Eritrean youth from their country TPLF suddenly made Tigray refugee camps a pilgrimage to western high profile officials and a means to ask for more financing.
The worst part of the sinister scheme against the unsuspecting Eritrean refugees was TPLF stole their identity and used it to resettle Tigrayans to western countries. Such despicable practice of the TPLF highlights the mafia character and cruelty of the clique. Not being aware of their identity was stolen and a Tigrayan had already been resettled in their name, many Eritreans wasted their youth life in refugee camps in Tigray. However, as the waiting time became endless they lost hope and again trekked to Sudan to be robed, raped, and killed by cruel human traffickers. Among those who arrived in Libya many lost their lives in the dangerous sea journey to Europe. Those who were lucky ended up in Europe and some in the US and Canada. When close to 350 refugees from many African countries, including Eritrea, lost their lives in the ship wreckage in Lampedusa TPLF called the African union to organize a candle lighting Vigil for them and the ceremony was held in the African Union compound in Addis Ababa. Yes, the Wolf acting out in a Sheep clothing. In the mind of the TPLF clique anything that masks realty or gives the clique a political cover is worthy of pursuing.
When Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in Ethiopia in 2018, again there was hope that peace would prevail, and the remaining Eritrean refugees would return to their country. However again the TPLF initiated a power struggle with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and refused to allow the demilitarization of the Ethio-Eritrea border. In fact instead of encouraging Eritrean refugees in Tigray refugee camps to return to their country, the TPLF leader openly invited Eritrean youth to come to Tigray. When TPLF attacked the Ethiopian Northern command that was stationed on the Tigray region on November 4th, 2020, the Eritrean refugees became the primary target of the Tigray militia and paramilitary groups. Many were robed, raped, killed, and forced to act as carriers to the TPLF army. TPLF kept the remaining refugees as hostages and most of them perished of hunger and lack of medicine.
The sad story of Eritrean refugees did not end in Tigray. During its 27 years reign in power in Ethiopia the TPLF was using Eritrean refugees as an instrument to overthrow the Eritrean government. Accordingly, the TPLF had already recruited the refugees and created an opposition group for each of the nine ethnic groups in Eritrea. Again, the purpose was to divide Eritreans and make them fight each other like what we are currently witnessing in today’s Ethiopia. To advance such sinister agenda, supported by the then TPLF led Ethiopian Embassies, the tentacles of TPLF created ethnic based Eritrean opposition groups spread to the Eritrean diaspora. The project to divide the Eritrean diaspora was fully funded by the TPLF. Media personalities were created, and the so-called Eritrean opposition media spewed their ethnic poison on the Eritrean youth. The TPLF funded so called Eritrean opposition media told the unsuspecting Eritrean youth that their enemy was “Eritreanism” and were pushed to target those who called themselves Eritreans. The TPLF propaganda machine worked hard to convince its messengers that there was no Eritrean identity. Eritreans were told their identify was their “ethnicity”. The objective of the propaganda was to divide the Eritrean diaspora youth based on their ethnicity and align them with the ethnic armed opposition groups created in Tigray. Such action fits to the often made claim that TPLF is not only a danger to Ethiopia but also to the horn of Africa.
When TPLF attacked the Ethiopian Federal Army based in Tigray on the night of November 4, 2020, the so called Eritrean opposition Media Personalities formerly created and funded by the TPLF joined the “Tigray Wins” slogan and openly stood against the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments. As a continuation to their sinister agenda, they organized the Eritrean diaspora youth into gang groups whose aim was to attack any Eritrean who was believed to participate in Eritrean government sponsored events. Those gangsters were made of Tigrayan’s who were born and raised in Eritrea and Eritreans who were recruited by the TPLF sponsored groups. Many of the TPLF funded so called Eritrean opposition media started to patronize expensive European hotels and pledged to raise money for the gangsters who terrorized Eritrean communities in Europe. Accordingly, many elderly men, women and children who went to the community festival in Giessen, Germany were brutally attacked.
The hijacked Eritrean refugee youth did not understand the consequence of their actions. In the western world attacking women, elders and children who were minding their own business is a criminal activity. Accordingly, many innocent Eritrean youth who failed to understand the consequences of their actions became victims. The recent bad news that is coming from Europe is the ultimate consequence of the TPLF sponsored ignorant and greedy so called Eritrean opposition media personalities. Many were thrown to prison, fired from their work and their records blemished forever. In the western world once you are classified as a violent criminal your life is messed up. Those young Eritreans who arrived in Europe and hopped to live a decent life were hijacked by the cruel TPLF trained and funded Eritrean media personalities and activists for their destructive agenda.
The truth is the so called TPLF trained Eritrean Media personalities and activists are smart enough not to cross the law themselves. None of them were seen in the areas in Europe where the violence occurred. On the back of the Eritrean youth, they were increasing their YouTube viewers and off course enriching their pockets. Many of the so called opposition media personalities and activists are based in the US but none of them were seen to organize gangs of Eritrean youth in the United States. The reason is they perfectly know what that means and the severe consequence against them.
Conclusion,
It has been a while since TPLF’s interference in the business of the diaspora Eritrean community has been crossing many red lines. Now it is time for every diaspora Eritrean to fight back and bring those who are misled by the enemy propaganda to their right place. Eritrean diaspora refugee youth in Europe has become the target of irresponsible and greedy youtubers who have no concern to the wellbeing of the youth except the money they generate from TPLF and YouTube. Those modern day human traffickers who claim to be Eritreans, sooner or later, will be made accountable for their actions. Until then, to register their opposition to these YouTube sites that preach violence, Eritreans need to visit them and press the dislike button.
Eritrean diaspora refugee youth need guidance and support on how to assimilate to the society they are resettled at. That includes an awareness of the rules and regulations of the countries where the Eritrean youth refuges reside. To curve the effect of loneliness and mental trauma Eritrean communities in Europe should step up their effort in organizing social programs that will intermingle Eritreans from every social walk life. Eritrean professionals in Europe and other parts of the world need to study the problem thoroughly and play their part to remedy it. Eritrean technology professionals should identify those greedy modern day licensed human traffickers and report them to YouTube and relevant authorities in these countries. Such initiatives will not be welcomed by the modern day licensed human traffickers. Yet there is no choice other than to fight back using every possible means.
As We Eritreans, we harbor a glimmer of hope that the Eritrean regime will undertake a metamorphosis. The issue with TPLF has been proffered as a pretext for the government to abstain from enacting the 1997 constitution, conducting elections, and demobilizing the army. Many of our soldiers have been conscripted in the army for over two decades, with the government’s rationale being the border dispute with Ethiopia.
The TPLF, the political organization that held sway over Ethiopian politics for almost three decades, had a containment policy that insulated the Eritrean government, regionally and internationally. The impact of this containment policy resulted in dire economic and poor human rights conditions in Eritrea, causing many of our youth to emigrate in pursuit of a better life and freedom. It also incited the Eritrean government to clamp down on political dissidents, arrest journalists, and tighten its grip on the country.
However, after TPLF lost its dominance in 2018, the newly appointed Ethiopian Prime Minister reached a rapprochement with Eritrea. And that was seen as a new down for the people of Eritrea and Ethiopia. But the progress of 2018 rapprochement was deterred after the civil war broke out in Ethiopia in 2020. And Eritrean Government aided the Ethiopian government against TPLF in the war that broke out in November 2020. Significant number of Eritreans, believe that TPLF had been an obstacle for the full implementation of peace agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia even after 2018. Now that TPLF is capitulated, Eritreans anticipate; observing if the Eritrean government undertakes political transformations.
Some of our main curiosities, particularly for those of us outside the country, are to see if the government releases political prisoners, journalists, and religious leaders. Some of these individuals were detained in connection with the war with Ethiopia that took place between 1998 and 2000. We also aspire to see if Eritrea becomes more conducive for political parties, freedom speech, religious freedom and etc. and if the government is willing to engage in political discussion with Eritreans inside and outside the country for democratic transition in Eritrea.
As a community, we also question whether the opposition should be willing to accede to the government or vice versa. Some of us also ponder the role of scholars and activists in bringing about change. As a nation, we must prioritize unity among our members and making peace with the government in order to achieve our goals. Additionally, we must consider how these changes will benefit the common citizens.
We Eritreans can also learn from the Ethiopian experience. After a brutal civil war for two years, the Ethiopian government and TPLF were able to reach a peace agreement. This serves as a testament to the potential for unity and compromise in the face of political conflict.
The fall of the TPLF in 2018 and surrender in 2022 has unveiled new possibilities for political transformation in Eritrea. We Eritreans, and the international community, are attentively observing to see if the government will take steps towards implementing democratic reforms and releasing political prisoners. It is crucial for us, as a nation, to prioritize unity and compromise in order to achieve our goals and bring about change that will benefit all Eritreans and avoid divisions that cause extremism.
“Thank you to the brave men and women members of the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) who have made the ultimate sacrifice to hold our flag high”. We will Never Let Our Guard Down.
For over 60 years Eritrea has been fighting for its survival. From 1961-1991 it passed through a very arduous and complicated struggle for independence. After enjoying a few peaceful years, following the liberation and subsequent independence of Eritrea in 1991, the Eritrean enemies, under the pretext of Badme, initiated a war of aggression that aimed at occupying Eritrea and its people. One undeniable truth that persisted during the past two challenging periods, was the unity of Eritreans and their determination, persistence, and loyalty to their country. Eritreans inside and outside of the country stood together hand in hand and fought hard against the aggressors. However, when the recent TPLF’s violent armed insurrection and attempt to overthrow the Ethiopian Government and then subsequently invade Eritrea crashed miserably, some formerly TPLF- trained hidden voices started to emerge. Previously such voices were operating under the guise of “Eritrean Justice Seekers”. However, these groups exposed themselves because they took the TPLF’s insurrection as a golden opportunity to overthrow the Eritrean government and assume power in Asmara. They were lined up for a power grab. These groups were Agazians, Tigray-Tigrigna, Greater-Tigray, Islamists, Tribalists, and of course Eritrean Ahmed Chalabis. Under the banner of “Tigray-Wins”, these treasonous groups initiated and implemented a multi-front distractive propaganda campaign against the Eritrean government, the Eritrean army, and even the country. Some of the campaign messages were focused on dividing and confusing diaspora Eritreans, weakening the well-known Eritrean patriotism, and of course, getting paid by their sponsors. The members of these groups are Eritrean- born and raised Tigrayans, Eritreans whose parents served the former occupying Ethiopian regime in Eritrea, and some who were expelled from the Eritrean government for disciplinary reasons. Some of the dreadful actions of these subversive groups can be summarized as follows:
African Borders were Demarcated by Colonialists.
African borders were demarcated by European Colonialists. Accordingly, the African Union has long decided colonial borders to be acceptable borders between African countries. These borders were not demarcated along ethnic lines. For example, if we take Ethiopia: the Somali, the Afar, the Oromo, and other ethnic groups live in Somalia, Eritrea, Kenya, etc. respectively. Then why is the presence of Tigrinya- speaking communities in Eritrea and Ethiopia considered a unique demographic reality? The truth is it is not the presence of the two Tigrigna- speaking people in the two countries that is unique. It is the sinister motive behind it. The mission is to destroy the Eritrean unity that has long been an obstacle to the invaders that dreamed and failed to occupy Eritrea. The British tried to antagonize the Eritrean Moslem with their Eritrean Christian brothers and sisters. By sponsoring the Eritrean Orthodox church Haile Selassie used the same method to make the annexation of Eritrea a reality. The Dergue military junta used highland and lowland politics to weaken the Eritrean struggle for independence. Now we see TPLF doing the same. TPLF’s propagandists are telling the Eritrean Tigrigna speakers to forget their Moslem brothers and sisters and align themselves with Tigray. For the Eritrean people and especially for those freedom fighters who spent their precious youth years working hard to eradicate such sub-patriotic thinking, TPLF’s divisionary propaganda must be the biggest joke of 2023. The unity of Eritreans was reshaped and hardened during the liberation struggle, and it will persist for generations to come. For those who continue to challenge it the writer likes to remind them that they are making us remember the conspiracies and tactics of the old foreign invaders who persistently tried to occupy Eritrea and failed miserably. As to the relationship between Tigray and Eritrea it will continue forever but as neighbors only.
Desecrating the Eritrean Flag.
An ignorant amateur singer who claims to be an Eritrean was once asked why he desecrated and burned the Eritrean flag. He responded that civilized western citizens burn their flags to protest their government policies. What this amateur half-baked Eritrean wannabe politician didn’t know was citizens do not burn their flag. Only those who are foreigners who oppose the activities of other foreign governments’ policies burn flags. For instance, whatever the reason is Americans do not burn their flags. They have high regard for their flag. When they find their flag in the wrong place, they fold it respectfully and put it where it belongs. Conversely, to express their opposition to foreign government policies towards their country the Iranians are often seen burning an American flag. So do the Afghans and the Palestinians. In no way does any group that claims to oppose its government burn or desecrates his/her flag. The reason is that the flag belongs to the people, not the government.
Undermining the Eritrean Martyrs.
During the 1998 TPLF’s aggression against Eritrea, TPLF’s rag-tag army destroyed Eritrean Martyrs’ cemetery in Shambuko, and trashed the human remains. TPLF’s action against the cemetery was a clear indication that its objective was not only to invade Eritrea but also to erase its history and deeply held values. To understand this, you do not have to go further than Wolkaite. In the 1980s when TPLF started operating in Wolkaite, its initial action was to eliminate rich families in Wolkate. After it finished arresting and killing the symbols of Wolkite, later it started marrying their wives and daughters. By doing that TPLF worked hard to change the demography of Wolkite. The objective of undermining Eritrean martyrs is to destroy Eritrean values and open the door to Eritrean enemies to realize their long-held dream to compromise the symbols of Eritrean national identity and territorial integrity. So, anyone who undermines Eritrean martyrs is simply operating under the payroll of the TPLF. There could not be any other explanation for such irresponsible action because no citizen of a country disrespects his/her martyrs. The bottom line is in a country like Eritrea where each family has at least one martyr, any so-called treasonous political group that undermines Eritrean martyrs cannot come to power through the will of the Eritrean people.
Not Separating Government from Country.
Government is a political institution that administers a country for a certain period. After its time is up another government replaces it. As history tells us some governments stay in power longer than others. But neither of them stays in power forever. Unlike the government, a country lasts forever. That is why almost all opposition groups in the world oppose the government, not their country. Accordingly, it is about time to bring the famous Mark Twain quote here, “Loyalty to Country Always, Loyalty to Government When it Deserves it”. The message of the quote is no one in his/her right mind works against his/her country. If that is the case, anyone who is engaged in those treasonous activities needs to know that he/she is committing a high crime. If you oppose the policies of the government direct your criticism and anger toward those policies and the government, not against the country. To those Eritreans who love their country dearly, the author of this article likes to remind you that even after all the devastating war that we have recently witnessed, Tigray remains home to so-called local political parties and toxic diaspora groups that openly advocate for the establishment of Greater Tigray at the cost of the state of Eritrea and Ethiopian Afar and Amhara Administrative regions. Therefore, let’s not our guard down.
Blackmailing the Eritrean Army.
A national army is a collection of sons and daughters of the population of that nation. In Eritrea, an army has a special meaning. It is a group of volunteers who raised their arms to defend the country no matter what. Lack of enough food, meager salary, or unlimited service period does not discourage the Eritrean army from performing its job effectively. Because for the Eritrean Army despite the difficulties its commitment to its people and country comes first. Anyone who claims to be a citizen of a country and blackmails the Eritrean Army is not an Eritrean. It does not matter whether the Eritrean Army enters Tigray or fights within its boundaries, the mission is not to invade another country but to make Eritrea and Eritreans safe and secure. Some people think that the TPLF’s Missile attack on Eritrea started on November 2020. They are wrong. It started long before that. When the TPLF invaders crossed into Eritrea during the 1998-2000 war of aggression, they did not limit themselves to occupying the area they falsely claimed to belong to them. For those who have already forgotten it, in addition to the widespread rape, killing and wanton looting of private property, here is a sample list of Eritrean public institutions that were purposely destroyed by the TPLF Army.
1. Hirgigo power plant.
2. Senafe Hospital
3. Senafe telecommunications building.
4. The Belew kelew historical monument.
5. Barentu hospital.
6. Berentu Gashsettit hotel.
7. Alighider Cotton Ginning Plant
8. Shambuko Maryters cemetery.
The above-listed sample civil Eritrean institutions were not destroyed during an exchange of gunfire. They were purposely demolished by powerful dynamite after TPLF entered these areas and stayed for only 14 days. Did the Eritrean Army destroy the Tekeze power plant? No. Did the Eritrean Army destroy the Axum monument? No. Did the Eritrean Army destroy the Axum hospital? No. The point is the Eritrean Army is a very disciplined force that perfectly knows the enemies of Eritrea are TPLF leaders, not the Tigray people and its institutions. TPLF tried to use the unfortunate incident that happened to Monalisa Abraha for propaganda purposes against the Eritrean army. Later, in her own words, Monalisa testified that the Eritrean army saved her life. Similarly, an older gentleman whom the Eritrean army found thrown on the side of the road from Shire to Maitsemri testified on Tigray TV that the Eritrean army put him in their truck, gave him food, and dropped him in a hospital. These are some of the good Samaritan acts of the Eritrean army that escaped the TPLF sinister demonization campaign. So, the Eritrean army is a decent human being and not an animal as defeated TPLF’s propagandists put it and Eritrean treasonous groups claim it to be. As we continue burying TPLF and its evil acts the truth about the Eritrean army will continue to emerge and will be spoken by none other than the Tigrayans themselves.
Working For Foreign Special Interest Actors.
Anyone who wants to understand the origin of western policy toward Africa has only to hear the recent European Foreign Policy Chief, Joseph Borrell’s speech that characterized Europe as a Garden that needs to be protected from the rest of the world which he thought was a jungle. Moreover, recently former US special envoy to the Horn of Africa, Jeffery Feltman’s article titled “Ethiopia’s Hard Road to Peace” that lays the ground to label Eritrea as a spoiler of the peace process between the Ethiopian Federal Government and the TPLF would be an additional reference. The article indicates how the US wants to shape the future of Horn of Africa Politics. Feltman knows very well that when the TPLF attacked the Ethiopian Northern Command Eritrea saved Ethiopia from disintegration. Also, without Eritrea, the current TPLF’s current overture towards peace would have not been achieved. Ignoring such truth, Feltman falsely argues that Eritrea wants Ethiopia to remain weak. If Eritrea wanted Ethiopia to remain weak, why would it work hard to save it from disintegration? The truth is Feltman is laying the ground for the upcoming US overt and covert activities that intend to create a rift between Ethiopia and Eritrea. TPLF is a conduit for that. As his army was going to the abyss, a defeated TPLF’s crying general shamelessly argued that without the TPLF US interests in the horn of Africa would not be protected because Eritrea will dominate it. He begged the US to support the TPLF. The crying defeated TPLF General openly admitted that TPLF is a US proxy against Eritrea. Previously the same crying disgruntled TPLF general also said during his study in the US he uncovered a legal clause that would enable Ethiopia to claim Eritrea’s Assab. He told the world that a legal clause that was hidden from a high-powered legal team that was representing Ethiopia in the Ethio-Eritrea border legal proceeding was discovered by an amateur student who was writing a master’s paper. If this is the truth, then why are Eritrean Chalabis working for foreign special interest actors? Well, they do not have any hope at all. For anyone who is falling into a deep gorge, it is logical for him to try to catch anything that he thinks would save him from death. Other than that, anyone who claims to be a citizen of Eritrea would not write a letter urging the AU mediators to mention Eritrea as a “foreign force” in the agreement. This is only something that recently came to the open. What else are they conspiring inside the hidden office corridors of the western world?
Trying to be More Tigrayan than the Tigrayans.
Some people may think that few YouTubers with Eritrean heritage willfully advocate against the suffering of the Tigray people. However, if you dig deeper, you will find it is not true. YouTube pays YouTubers based on the number of viewers’ click times and the number of subscribers. So, if you are sub-patriotic and you want to earn money from YouTube, you must choose a popular issue that increases your viewership. Because the Tigrayan diasporas were highly distraught by the war, they were the ones who spent most of their time scouting the internet for favorable news. So, if you have true or fabricated favorable news for Tigrayans, you win the market and ultimately increase your earnings. Such business opportunities even attracted YouTubers from Pakistan and India. But such hidden motive goes further than the money that comes from YouTube. It is well known that TPLF gives money to individuals and institutions that vilify the Eritrean government. For instance, some years ago a TPLF agent who operates under the nickname of “Pilot” was exposed depositing money to the accounts of some Eritreans who were harshly criticizing the Eritrean government. Disgruntled diaspora Eritrean musicians also incite violence at pro-government diaspora events simply to destroy the competition in the diaspora music event market. Overall, leaving those who have a deep-rooted hatred for the Eritrean government aside, most of the subversive activity in the diaspora is shaped by an economic interest than a genuine concern for the welfare of the Tigray people. That is why you always hear Tigrayan YouTubers warning the so-called Eritrean subversive YouTubers not to interfere in Tigray’s affairs. Now that, sooner or later, TPLF is handing over its weapons to the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, you will start to see a realignment in the Eritrean subversive YouTube actors.
Subversive Acts of Failed Eritrean So-Called Diaspora Academicians.
Nowadays it is common to see Eritrean academicians who moved to foreign countries in search of greener pastures ending up being a daily staple in the so-called Eritrean opposition group YouTube channels. As a foreign academician, to be successful in the western world you need to work harder than the citizen academicians. In the western academic position ranking, there are three challenging steps an academician needs to pass through to secure a permanent job. For instance, in the American academic rank system, after someone earns a Ph.D. he or she can be hired as a lecturer or as an assistant professor. To make it clearer, only those who have a good research background and language skills are hired as assistant professors. If not, even if you have a Ph.D., you could end up languishing as a lecturer or worse as a research fellow, a visiting professor, an adjunct professor, or a refugee agency interpreter. Also, only those who are initially hired as assistant professors can progress to associate and then full professor ranks. Now you need to investigate the background of those propagandists whom you wrongly call professors. To cover their failure in their academic career it is common to see failed Eritrean academicians boasting their inexistent political analytical skills and simply poisoning the younger diaspora population with false logic. Accordingly, it is not uncommon to see a failed Eritrean economist, veterinarian, and even a failed Eritrean marine biologist leading treasonous meetings and constantly appearing in subversionary YouTube programs. You rarely see successful Eritrean academicians wasting their time and energy in such useless meetings or YouTube programs. Because time is precious for them. Instead of using whatever opportunity the western world bestows to foreigners those incapable and failed so-called Eritrean academicians are serving as western errand boys and Eritrean Ahmed Chalabis. For those who did not know Ahmed Chalabi of Iraq, he was the one who fed the CIA false information about Iraq. Later after he was expelled from the Iraqi parliament and mistreated by the American Army, he died in Iraq.
Conclusion.
In the current very dangerous and complicated world, it is not uncommon to see governments succumbing to outside pressure and taking their county and people to the abyss. If you were to ask the citizens of Sudan, Yemen, Somalia, and Libya about their current predicament they would tell you they regretted being involved in overthrowing their previous governments. I am not saying change is not necessary. I am arguing that a change that did not follow an orderly transfer of power ends up in the hands of foreign handlers and leads to the suffering of the people and ultimately the disintegration of the country. To save your country from evil foreign acts, honor your martyrs and your flag, support your army no matter what, be loyal to your country and work hard to improve your country’s governance through constructive criticism. To sum up the correct approach to bringing change in your country is to follow Mark Twain’s notable quote “Loyalty to Country Always, Loyalty to Government When it Deserves it”.
Victory to the Masses and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.
Navigating polarization, foreign influence, and a lack of clarity to bring about change
The Eritrean opposition has long been waiting for change to happen in their country, but has failed to take action themselves. Instead, they have become polarized on issues that should not divide them, and have even been accused of acting as foreign agents at times. One of the main focus of the opposition has been their hatred towards President Isayas Afwerki, but many agree that merely hating him will not bring about change.
In the past two years, since the civil war began in Ethiopia’s Northern Tigray region, the Eritrean opposition has been hoping that the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) would topple the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) for them. As a result, they have been disseminating propaganda that supports the TPLF’s agenda, which could cause damage to Eritrea in the long run.
Some opposition groups seem to copy the TPLF’s programs, and have started to advocate for the implementation of ethnic federalism in Eritrea for a long time. This has caused mistrust among the opposition and the Eritrean people, as many scholars and politicians believe it is unrealistic to just copy the Ethiopian federalism that was implemented by the TPLF. Furthermore, there are suspicions that the TPLF has infiltrated the opposition and created satellite organizations within the opposition camp, such as Bruh Mexai, Agazian, Yiakl, and more recently Felsi.
In the past two years, many opposition members have sided with the TPLF due to the Eritrean government’s support of the Ethiopian federal government against the TPLF. However, now that the Eritrean Army has begun to withdraw from Tigray, the opposition seems to have become muted. Their hatred towards Isayas Afwerki is still alive, but there is no clear path forward for bringing about democratic change in Eritrea.
It is unfortunate that some members of the Eritrean opposition expect that Abi Ahmed and Isayas Afwerki will disagree, and then Ethiopia will invade Eritrea. Some also hope that the TPLF will rejoin the federal government and help to invade Eritrea. Overall, there is a lack of clarity in the Eritrean opposition, and it is important for them to come together and focus on a clear path forward for bringing about democratic change in their country.
One question that arises is what should the Eritrean opposition focus on next? How can they come together and form a united front against the current regime? How can they create a clear path forward for bringing about democratic change in Eritrea without causing more harm than good? These are important questions that the Eritrean opposition must seriously consider and work towards finding answers, if they hope to bring about a positive change in their country.
One potential solution could be for the opposition to focus on building a strong, united front that can effectively challenge the current regime. This would involve putting aside their differences and working towards a common goal, rather than allowing themselves to be divided by issues that should not polarize them. Additionally, the opposition could focus on building a clear and realistic plan for bringing about democratic change in Eritrea, rather than simply relying on the actions of other countries or groups.
Another important step for the opposition would be to gain the support and trust of the Eritrean people. This could involve working to address the concerns and needs of the population, rather than solely focusing on their hatred towards the current regime. Additionally, the opposition could work to dispel any suspicions that they may be acting as foreign agents, and make it clear that their goal is to bring about positive change for the people of Eritrea.
In conclusion, the Eritrean opposition groups face many challenges in their efforts to bring about democratic change in their country. However, by working towards a united front, building a clear and realistic plan, and gaining the support and trust of the Eritrean people, they can work to overcome these challenges and bring about positive change in their country. The Eritrean opposition must also be realistic about the fact that copy pasting models from other countries may not work for Eritrea. They must come up with a plan that is tailored to the Eritrean context and needs of the people. They must also be aware of the fact that their actions may have serious consequences and must think twice before supporting any external actors or groups that may not have Eritrea’s best interests at heart.
Another important consideration for the Eritrean opposition is to focus on building a diverse coalition of groups and individuals that represent the different regions, ethnicities and religious groups within Eritrea. This will help to ensure that the concerns and needs of all Eritreans are taken into account and that the opposition is not seen as dominated by any one group.
The Eritrean opposition must also be willing to engage in dialogue with the government and other stakeholders to find a peaceful and sustainable solution for the country. This can include working towards a national reconciliation process that addresses past human rights abuses, and promotes justice and healing for the Eritrean people.
Additionally, the Eritrean opposition must also focus on building a robust media presence that can provide reliable and accurate information to the Eritrean people, as well as the international community. This can include establishing an independent media platform that can counter the government’s propaganda and provide a voice for the opposition. The opposition must also work on building a strong online presence and using social media as a tool for communication and mobilization.
Lastly, the opposition must be ready to work with the government and other stakeholders if and when change comes. They must be ready to participate in any transitional process that might occur, and to be part of the solution, not the problem.
Lastly , bringing about democratic change in Eritrea will not be easy, but it is not impossible. The Eritrean opposition must focus on developing a clear and realistic plan, building a united front, creating a diverse coalition, engaging in dialogue, and being ready for change when it comes. They must put the needs and well-being of the Eritrean people at the forefront of their efforts, and be aware that their actions may have serious consequences. The Eritrean opposition must be realistic about their goals, and not put their hopes on external actors but take their fate into their own hands.
In summary, the Eritrean opposition faces many challenges, but with a clear and realistic plan, a united front, a diverse coalition and a willingness to engage in dialogue, they can work towards bringing about democratic change in Eritrea. The opposition must also put the needs and well-being of the Eritrean people at the forefront of their efforts and be aware that their actions may have serious consequences. The opposition must be realistic about their goals and not put their hopes on external actors, but rather take their fate into their own hands.
Tigrai regional government president Dr. Debretion Gebremichael confirmed the withdrawal of Eritrean Army from the region in an address to the Tigraian regional government council members. He also added that the Ethiopian government is taking steps to remove non-ENDF forces from Tigrai.
Many mainstream media outlets reported the exit of Eritrean troops at the end of last week, with images and videos showing Eritrean troops on military trucks driving towards the Eritrean border and waving the Eritrean flag. There has been no official statement from either the Eritrean government or the Ethiopian government regarding the withdrawal.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken welcomed the report of the withdrawal.
The Eritrean Army has withdrawn from the Ethiopian Tigray Region, hoping to bring an end to a brutal two-year conflict that began in November 2020. Videos and pictures show a military convoy moving through Bouvard in an undisclosed location, with people standing by the road welcoming the Eritrean Defense Forces members and cheering on the soldiers as they wave the Eritrean flag. The Eritrean government had previously denied involvement in the war in Tigray, but the international community and Tigrayan authorities had condemned Eritrea for its alleged involvement.
This conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia has deep roots. The two countries have a long history of tension, which came to a head in 1998 with the outbreak of a border war that lasted until 2000 and resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of people.
The war ended with the Algiers Agreement, which established a ceasefire and created a commission to demarcate the border. However, the border dispute remained unresolved and the two countries have had an uneasy relationship until 2018.
In November 2020,after the civil war ignited in Ethiopia, TPLF launched rockets at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, which led to the Eritrean Army entering Tigray, escalating the conflict.
After a two-year brutal civil war, TPLF and the Ethiopian government reached a cessation of hostilities in November 2022 in South Africa, followed by an agreement in Kenya. The agreement included TPLF demobilizing its combatants and disarming them, concurrent with the withdrawal of non-ENDF forces from Tigray, including the Eritrean Army and Amhara militants. According to sources from Ethiopia, TPLF has begun the disarmament process, and now the EDF is leaving the region.
The reports of EDF withdrawal from Tigray on January 20 have sparked mixed reactions among social media users of both Eritreans and TPLF supporters.
Deplatforming has become a hotly debated topic in recent years, as social media and other online platforms have taken action against controversial figures and groups. But what exactly is deplatforming, and why is it so controversial?
One of the main arguments for deplatforming is the protection of users from hate speech and violence. Hate speech is any form of speech, conduct, writing, or expression that may incite violence or prejudicial action against or by a particular individual or group, or because it disparages or intimidates a particular individual or group. In the context of online platforms, this can include anything from racist or sexist slurs to calls for violence against specific groups of people.
Deplatforming can be seen as a way to combat this kind of speech by removing the individuals or groups responsible for it from the platform. This not only helps to create a safer and more welcoming environment for all users, but it also sends a message that such behavior is not tolerated.
Another argument for deplatforming is accountability. By removing individuals or groups from a platform, it sends a clear message that their actions have consequences and that they are not above the rules. This can be particularly important in cases where an individual or group has a large following and the potential to do harm to a wide audience.
However, there are also strong arguments against deplatforming. One of the main concerns is that it can constitute censorship and suppress free speech. While platforms have the right to set their own rules and enforce them as they see fit, there is a risk that deplatforming can be used to silence dissenting voices and stifle debate.
There is also the concern about overreach and inconsistency in enforcement. It is not uncommon for different platforms to take different actions against the same individual or group, and there is a risk that some may be unfairly targeted while others are allowed to continue their harmful behavior.
Finally, there is the worry that deplatforming can become a tool for silencing dissenting voices and stifling debate. While it is important to create a safe and welcoming online environment, it is also important to allow for a diverse range of viewpoints and to encourage healthy and respectful discourse.
In light of these concerns, some have argued for alternative approaches to dealing with controversial figures and groups. One option is moderation, where content is monitored and flagged for inappropriate or offensive material. This can be combined with the use of content warnings, which alert users to potentially controversial or offensive material.
Another option is to reduce the visibility of controversial content, rather than removing it completely. This can be done through measures such as demoting or downranking controversial content in search results or news feeds, or by limiting the reach of individuals or groups that engage in harmful behavior.
Finally, educating users on how to report and flag inappropriate content can help to create a more welcoming and safe online environment without resorting to deplatforming. By empowering users to take action against harmful content, platforms can create a more positive and supportive community.
In conclusion, deplatforming is a complex and multifaceted issue that raises important questions about the role of platforms in modern society and the balance between promoting safety and protecting free speech. While it is important to create a safe and welcoming online environment, it is also important to allow for a diverse range of viewpoints and to encourage healthy and respectful discourse.
Key takeaways and Challenges – Disarmament of TPLF Forces and Implementing Transitional Measures.
The Federal government of Ethiopian and TPLF forces signed a peace agreement Wednesday November 2nd in Pretoria, South Africa ending 10-day long peace talks mediated by the African Union and presence of US, led by US Special Envoy for the HoA, Mike Hammer. Representative for Ethiopia government, Ambassador Redwan Hussein and TPLF forces representative Getachew Reda singed the peace agreement – a move expected to bring an end to two-year long civil war in Ethiopia resulting in hundreds of thousands death, millions displaced and facing famine and in need of urgent aid.
Although in his press briefing Mr. Obesegun Obasanjo indicated both parties agreeing saying “The two parties in the Ethiopian conflict have formally agreed to cession of hostility and systematic and orderly , smooth and coordinated disarmament “, he went further to say this is not the end of peace process but the beginning – a hint of uncertainty , given the magnitude and the complexity of the conflict and parties involved.
Key takeaways from South Africa peace talk agreement reached between Federal government of Ethiopia and TPLF representatives from Tigray as stated by former Nigerian president Olesegun Obasanjo, is the waring parties reaching an agreement for the TPLF combatants’ disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration – emphasizing the upper hand of a one Ethiopian national force (EDF) and Ethiopia constitution.
Now the focus is on the implementation of joint statement which entails several points, including upholding the peace agreement, permanent end of conflict, upholding the constitution of the federal government, disarmament of TPLF, expediting humanitarian aid and implementing transitional measures in restoring order, accountability, and reconciliation.
Despite inundated news by western media, TPLF leaders, and constant condemnation of western leaders of the presence of Eritrea and its role in the Ethiopia civil war, there is no mention of Eritrea in the 2-page agreement signed by both parties.
