Long Review | The Burden of Exile: A Banned Journalist’s Flight from Dictatorship, by Aaron Berhane

By

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30/06/2023

Journalists are important in newly developing countries because they contribute to promoting a strong foundation for democracy and good governance. Journalists provide a platform to marginalized communities, shed light on economic and political issues in society, and promote transparency and accountability in state institutions. Through reporting on the challenges, progress, and aspirations of the country, journalists provide beneficial contributions to national development. Nevertheless, journalists in this environment can often get in trouble with the government due to restrictive press laws and limited freedom of expression. Reporting on sensitive topics such as corruption, or challenging the government’s narrative can lead to harassment, threats, legal prosecution, or even imprisonment, as the authorities may view journalists as a threat to their power. The Burden of Exile tells the story of one such journalist who becomes aware of the consequences of writing and publishing work critical of the government during times of political repression in Eritrea in the early 2000s.

Summary

Aaron Berhane was a co-founder and the former editor-in-chief of Eritrea’s first and largest independent newspaper called “Setit”. Berhane describes that his inspiration for journalism initially came from a need to explain how the Eritrean government, led by the unelected president Isaias Afwerki (1991-present day), was failing to acknowledge issues the country was going through following independence from Ethiopia in 1991. Berhane describes how he started “Setit”, the challenges of initiating mass distribution of the newspaper, and the mixed responses he received from people in the country regarding his work. Berhane narrates this period with short anecdotes about the unexpected challenges of maintaining “Setit” through the period of the border conflict with Ethiopia between 1998-2000.

In response to increasing political pressure in the country following the border conflict, the Eritrean government announced that all private news organizations in the country would be forced to immediately suspend their operations in September 2001. What followed this announcement was an extensive crackdown on journalists who wrote articles critical of the government’s authoritarian policies, as well as mass arrests of high-ranking politicians and dissidents in the country who were perceived as a threat to the government’s power. Berhane describes how he planned his escape from Eritrea and narrowly evaded arrest multiple times just to get to the Eritrea-Sudan border crossing. Berhane later explains the difficulty of being in Sudan and Kenya, for fear of government spies within the Eritrean communities in both these countries. As he recounts these travels, Berhane shares his thoughts on why the government chose to end press freedom in Eritrea, the fate of the people he personally knew who were imprisoned, and how it affected his relationship with his family.

Eventually, Berhane is presented with the opportunity to seek asylum in Canada. Berhane contrasts lifestyle and language differences between Eritrea and Canada, and later describes the positive and negative encounters he made with the Eritrean community in Regina, Saskatchewan and later in his permanent residence of Toronto, Ontario. Throughout this time, Berhane also describes how he responded to issues such as racism and xenophobia that most asylum seekers and migrants are confronted with when they come to new countries. Berhane first dealt with this by seeking out opportunities where he could interact with people in social settings, but later found his niche by being involved in Canadian academia. Berhane appreciates the receptivity of some within Canadian society whom he meets through both the Parliament of Canada and Canadian-based non-governmental organizations. Berhane committed himself to contribute positively to society by enrolling in (and later teaching at) local Toronto colleges as well as reaching out to other organizations to continue his personal and professional development.

Throughout the narration his life after leaving Eritrea, Berhane gives thanks to all the people and organizations who helped getting him to Canada and attributes their faith in him as the motivating force for continuing his work as an exiled journalist.

Before he could write the last chapter of The Burden of Exile, Aaron Berhane died in May 2021 due to COVID-19.

The last chapter was instead written by Berhane’s eldest daughter, Freweini. According to Freweini, the last chapter was originally intended to describe how Berhane was reunited with his family in Canada in May 2010. Although Freweini does describe the family reunion (as well as how she and the rest of her family escaped Eritrea), she also takes the time to discuss her father’s deteriorating health as a result of COVID-19, and reflect on her father’s legacy.

Opinion

Cons

The book has a conversational tone, and Berhane is sometimes unable to convey the seriousness of the situation he is in.
Berhane includes unnecessary anecdotes that are not fully explained or are not completely relevant to anyone he mentions. These anecdotes do not contribute to the plot development, and it is unclear what purpose they serve other than being stories from previous parts of Berhane’s life. These anecdotes also interrupt the flow of the story at times, and at times detract away from the main storyline.
Berhane assumes that the reader has a fair amount of background knowledge on Eritrean history, and some references made during the time when Eritrea is the main setting are not clear. It would have been helpful to include a map of Eritrea and/or Eastern Africa in the book.

Pros

The book demonstrates how determination and passion for an idea can facilitate the growth of a movement. Although Berhane’s response to the challenges of trying to get “Setit” printed and distributed is an impressive feat, “Setit” as a newspaper publication alone was not as significant as the opportunity the newspaper brought for the Eritrean society to criticize the government’s mismanagement of domestic affairs leading up to and after the border conflict with Ethiopia between 1998-2000. The idea that Berhane aspired was that of an outlet which would allow the Eritrean society to meaningfully engage with the government and hold people in power accountable to the promises made after independence.
The personal growth Berhane goes through just to get to Canada is incredible, and his description of the lessons learned from the many challenges in Sudan and Kenya demonstrate his resilience and ability to adapt to the environment which he found himself in, which helped him be successful in Canada.
The book is easy to read, and the action is started relatively early and carries a consistent urgency (at least until Berhane reaches Kenya where life is more “normal” or “less unpredictable”).

By George Kidane

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Bridging Divisions for a Democratic Eritrea: An Eritrean’s Call for Unity, Integrity, and Effective Solutions

By

ጨና ኣዳም

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13/06/2023

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In the face of deep polarization and a lack of consensus within the Eritrean opposition diaspora, it pains me to witness the challenges hindering our collective path towards a democratic Eritrea. With diverse backgrounds, historical grievances, and conflicting ambitions, we must rise above these obstacles, embracing unity, integrity, and unwavering resolve to achieve the democratic future we passionately yearn for.

The Crisis of Mistrust and Counterproductive Strategies:

Within our opposition community, a profound crisis of mistrust has taken root, severely hampering progress and impeding meaningful change. It is urgent that we confront this perilous predicament head-on. Holding the current PFDJ regime accountable is crucial, but we must renounce divisive propaganda and false narratives that undermine our credibility, unity, and the broader democratic cause. Let truth, transparency, and unwavering integrity guide our actions and communications as we forge ahead.

The Imperative of Independence and Self-Sufficiency:

To triumph over adversity, we must prioritize unwavering independence and self-sufficiency. While external support and solidarity are valuable, we must not become overly reliant on foreign entities. Safeguarding our autonomy ensures that the interests and aspirations of our people take precedence, preserving the authenticity and unwavering conviction of our struggle for democratic change. Let us exercise vigilance to avoid entanglement in foreign agendas, which could dilute our voice and compromise our commitment to the cause we hold dear.

Navigating Conflicting Ambitions with Unwavering Integrity:

Addressing the conflicts arising from diverse ambitions requires unwavering adherence to integrity and inclusivity. While recognizing the legitimacy of different visions for Eritrea’s future, we must ensure these aspirations align with democratic values, human rights, and the preservation of our diverse society. Propagating exclusionary ideologies or favoring any single ethnic group undermines our democratic ideals. Instead, let us forge a shared vision that upholds the rights and interests of all Eritreans, fostering an inclusive society that celebrates our rich diversity.

Advancing Human Rights and Harnessing International Isolation:

At the core of our struggle for democratic change lies the imperative to address the grave human rights violations in Eritrea. The repressive practices of the current regime have caused immense suffering, necessitating our unwavering commitment to advocating for the protection of fundamental human rights, including freedoms of speech, press, and assembly. We must strive for the release of political prisoners, an end to arbitrary detentions, and the establishment of an independent judiciary.

In our united endeavor, we must leverage the international isolation faced by the Eritrean regime. The growing global awareness of human rights abuses in Eritrea presents an opportunity to amplify our voices and garner support. Engaging with international organizations, human rights advocates, and foreign governments, we must passionately champion sanctions, targeted measures, and diplomatic pressure on the regime. By effectively harnessing the international stage, we can expose the regime’s transgressions, isolate it further, and mobilize widespread support for our unwavering pursuit of democracy.

Effective Solutions for Unity:

To surmount the challenges and pave the path toward a democratic Eritrea, we must embrace and implement the following solutions:

1. Establish Dialogue Platforms: Create structured and inclusive platforms that foster open, constructive, and empathetic conversations among diverse factions within the opposition. These platforms will serve as safe spaces for sharing perspectives, addressing grievances, and cultivating trust among Eritreans in the diaspora.

2. Promote Veracious Communication: Emphasize the importance of fact-based information and responsible journalism within our opposition movement. Thorough fact-checking and source verification will counter misinformation, nurturing a culture of integrity, intellectual rigor, and unwavering credibility.

3. Foster Leadership Accountability: Hold our leaders to the highest ethical standards, prioritizing the collective interest of Eritrea over personal ambitions or divisive agendas. Transparent decision-making and collective leadership will foster trust, fortify unity, and embody the democratic ideals we champion.

4. Engage Eritreans Inside Eritrea: Actively reach out and engage with Eritreans living within the country, understanding their experiences under the current regime. Incorporating their voices into our strategies will enhance legitimacy, inclusivity, and the efficacy of our opposition movement.

5. Embrace National Reconciliation/National Healing: Galvanize efforts to foster national reconciliation and profound healing within our fractured society. By acknowledging past conflicts, fostering forgiveness, and nurturing unity, we can build bridges that transcend our differences, forging a shared vision of a democratic Eritrea that upholds peace, justice, and inclusivity.

As Eritreans united by an unwavering yearning for democratic change, we face formidable challenges. However, through a steadfast commitment to bridging divisions with resolute dialogue, upholding unwavering integrity, ensuring self-sufficiency, engaging with Eritreans inside the country, advocating for human rights, and leveraging international isolation, we can overcome these obstacles. Let us forge an unbreakable bond, unified in purpose, and tirelessly endeavor to manifest the democratic future that beckons us all.

Ethiopia’s Food Aid in Crisis: Massive Diversion Scandal Leads to Shocking Suspension

By

SETIT

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08/06/2023

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In a shocking turn of events, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has taken decisive action by suspending all food aid to Ethiopia, following the revelation of a widespread diversion scandal. The internal investigation conducted by USAID has exposed an alarming misdirection of donated food, originally intended to alleviate hunger among millions of people in the country.

USAID officials have revealed evidence of collusion among various parties involved in the government conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. Although the responsible individuals or entities have not been explicitly named, USAID describes the diversion as pervasive, with involvement from both sides of the conflict.

The ramifications of this food aid theft are deeply concerning, as Ethiopia heavily relies on international assistance to support around 20 million people affected by conflicts and drought. In the previous fiscal year, the United States, as the largest donor, contributed a substantial $1.8 billion in humanitarian aid to Ethiopia.

While food aid has been suspended, USAID remains committed to providing alternative forms of assistance, such as feeding programs for malnourished children. The agency is determined to resume food assistance as soon as the integrity of delivery systems can be ensured and further diversions prevented.

The investigation continues to examine the extent of government involvement, with an internal memo from a group of humanitarian donors suggesting a significant role played by Ethiopia’s federal government in the food aid diversion. Allegedly, government entities orchestrated the scheme, enabling military units across the country to benefit from the misappropriation of vital humanitarian resources.

In response to these revelations, Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has expressed deep concern and a commitment to collaborating with the United States in holding the responsible parties accountable. The ministry has also pledged to implement necessary reforms to safeguard future aid from such theft.

The suspension of food aid in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, which recently emerged from a devastating two-year conflict, has intensified the dire circumstances. Disturbing reports from doctors highlight a significant rise in hunger, particularly affecting children. Cases of child malnutrition have surged alarmingly, and hospitals have tragically reported child fatalities resulting from acute malnutrition caused by the scarcity of food.

Given the ongoing investigation and the urgent need to address the systemic failure in detecting aid diversion, USAID officials acknowledge the necessity of transparency and the implementation of additional safeguards. In a bid to assess the situation and address the allegations, the acting U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia and the U.S. special envoy to the Horn of Africa have visited the Tigray region, engaging with local authorities.

The suspension of food aid in Ethiopia underscores the pressing need for accountability, comprehensive reforms, and the restoration of a robust aid delivery system to meet the critical humanitarian needs across the country.

We already know that Mr. Regional Interim president

By

Abel Kebedom

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29/05/2023

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“In terms of the handover of Weapons people who watch the television might feel some discomfort. But I can assure you that what they expected of us and what we are doing is different. We will never put our security at risk.” Tigray Regional Interim President Getachew Reda.

The history of the Tigray Liberation Front (TPLF) is full of deceit, lies, and drama. The Good thing is everyone knows that. In the last two months TPLF has been performing four big Dramas: the handover of heavy and group weapons to the African Monitoring Group, the reintegration of combatants, the investigation of aid theft, and finally the rape of Tigray women by the Eritrean Forces. Let’s analyze each of them in detail.

HANDOVER OF WEAPONS TO THE AU MONITORING TEAM

Recently the AU monitoring Group in Mekelle announced that almost 85% of the weapon handover has been completed. Right from the start the announcement was perceived as a naïve assessment of the situation. When TPLF was defeated in the Shire-Adwa Front and signed the peace deal in Pretoria something unusual was happening in all war fronts around Tigray. TPLF commanders were collecting heavy and group weapons and burying them deep in the ground. Given the past behavior of TPLF, this act was well expected. All the weapons handed over the news were a television drama. In Tigray, before the war broke out in November 2020 there was a heavily armed Northern command and weapons were stored everywhere as far as the Tambien mountains. Also, there were many malfunctioning weapons. What TPLF did was collect those malfunctioning weapons and hand them over to the monitoring Group. If you do not believe this listen to what President Getachew Reda Said to a group of Tigray Traders who expressed their discomfort with surrendering weapons. He said “In terms of the handover of Weapons people who watch the television might feel some discomfort. But I can assure you that what they expected of us and what we are doing is different. We will never put our security at Risk.” Here you go. He said he is deceiving the AU monitoring Group.

REINTGRATION Of TPLF EXCOMBATANTS

The reintegration of TPLF ex-combatants to civilian life was to follow the disarmament of weapons. In realty, TPLF has already been Training thousands of new recruits. If TPLF is sincere in demobilizing its left-over army, why does it need to train new ones? The training of new recruits has two major objectives. First to get more demobilization money from the federal government and other aid groups and second to bolster the destroyed TPLF Army. Basically, the more recruits TPLF trains the more money it gets for demobilization. After they receive the money, the trained recruit could return to the TPLF army in the blink of an eye.

INVESTIGATION OF AID THEFT

TPLF’s other drama is the investigation of aid theft. The aid was diverted to feed new recruits and the rest of the TPLF routed Army. For food, medicine, and oil TPLF totally depends on Aid. What has been in the market is just the tip of the ice burg. Any one in his/her right mind does not expect TPLF to feed its army from another source of food because TPLF has not another source. So, is the thief going to investigate himself? The most comical act is TPLF asking the public to provide tips about those who stole the Aid. Well, any person who provides a tip will be visiting the TPLF inhumane prison the next day. The whole drama is to convince the aid agencies that TPLF is doing an investigation and will bring the culprits to the court of justice soon. Where did TPLF’s call for independent investigation mantra disappear? The reality is the Aid agencies need to accept that when they deliver aid, they are also feeding TPLF combatants and enriching the pockets of corrupt TPLF officials. That is the way it is.

RAPE Of WOMEN AND GIRLS IN TIGRAY

Recently leaked information indicated that there are close to 780 pregnant mostly TPLF combatant women in the Adi Haqi compass near Mekelle. These pregnant women are raped by TPLF military officials repeatedly and they do not know who the father of their children is. The initial objective was to prove to visiting foreign officials that the Eritrean Army raped the women. When the real story broke out the person who oversaw the drama was recently thrown into jail. This is just a mishap. TPLF will rebrand the story and bring it to the surface as new.

CONCLUSION

TPLF thinks it could outsmart everyone. It is true. In the last 27 years, it has outsmarted the Western world and collected billions of dollars in aid. The aid was diverted and used to pay for The Tuition of children of Corrupt TPLF officials studying at very expensive Universities in the USA, Europe, and China. Also using that aid TPLF bought expensive missiles to attack mining infrastructure deep inside Eritrea. Fortunately, it didn’t end up well for TPLF. Currently, it is a wounded animal, and it is only using the situation to rehabilitate itself. Sooner or later TPLF will start the usual theatrical acts of victim mentality and rhetoric to drag the Tigray people into another dangerous conflict. Being cancelled as a party will even escalate such rhetoric. Since TPLF was told it was cancelled as a party how many meetings and demonstrations did you observe in Tigray?

Awet Ne Hafsah and Eternal Glory to our Martyrs.

Tigray Needs a Cultural Revolution.

By

Abel Kebedom

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10/05/2023

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“I was ambassador to Ethiopia when the war with Eritrea started in 1998. One of the things I learned in Addis Ababa is that lying is a justified means to achieve greater opportunities.” Avi Granot.

According to the famous Dutch Cultural Scientist Geert Hofstede, culture is “the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another.” The programming is done by families, schools, religious organizations, and society at large. Culture is learned and passed on from generation to generation. Many countries have conducted a cultural revolution. Not going too far, the Dergue regime in Ethiopia had an enlightenment program related to illiteracy eradication and the elimination of Feudalistic backward culture. The Dergue preached the equality of men and women and worked hard to eliminate the impact of unnecessary religious holidays on farmers’ productivity. Also, backward beliefs that gave healing power to individuals other than those in health-certified institutions were discouraged. Currently, Tigray needs a similar but deeper and more complex cultural revolution. The cultural problems in Tigray have been mainly created by the ruling elite and trickled down into the entire society through time. Next, I would like to explain each of the cultural changes that I believe Tigray needs.

Distinguishing Politics from Propaganda.

Politics is “the activities associated with the governance of a country or other area, especially the debate or conflict among individuals or parties having or hoping to achieve power.” Politics can determine the direction of a country or region. When politics goes wrong, like the in recent example in Sudan, it can have negative ramifications on the entire population of the country. That is why solid and visionary leadership is key for a country/state to achieve sustainable peace and economic development. Propaganda is different from politics. It is “information, especially of a biased or misleading nature, used to promote or publicize a particular political cause or point of view.” The problem in Tigray is every lie is accepted as politics and it is normal to lie to gain an undeserved advantage. For example, a few years ago, it was discovered that most of the data Tigray’s agricultural technicians compiled and submitted to the World Bank was fake. This typical example shows how lies are deeply entrenched in the Tigray governance system. Moreover, such a trend has been evident in the propaganda machines of the TPLF. Former Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia and Deputy Director-General of Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Avi Granot said: “I was ambassador to Ethiopia when the war with Eritrea started in 1998. One of the things I learned in Addis Ababa is that lying is a justified means to achieve greater opportunities.” Another recent example that reinforces the mix-up of lie, truth, propaganda, and politics in Tigray is a catholic priest in Mekelle (regional capital city of Tigray) lashing out at the visiting Ethiopian regional presidents because they did not say anything about the so-called occupation of the Tigray Territories by Eritrea. He called them Cowards. The bold-faced Lier priest and the visiting regional presidents very well knew that the land the priest claimed Eritrea to have occupied was given to Eritrea by the Ethiopia and Eritrea boundary commission in the year 2002. The priest was pushing the lies because he had a goal to achieve. To antagonize the Ethiopian regional presidents with Eritrea. If a priest lies openly then who is going to tell the truth? If a priest is a propaganda tool, then who is going to teach the kids the value of telling the truth? Before it becomes a chronic disease and destroys society, Tigray needs to conduct an enlightenment campaign that distinguishes lies from truth and politics from propaganda.

Respect for Women.

Many Tigrayan Scholars have indicated that Tigray has a big problem when it comes to the treatment of its women and girls. Rape in Tigray is common. Government officials, even the police use, rape as part of their corrupt governance system. TPLF leaders marry girls who are three times younger. Such abuse of women and girls is deeply rooted in the culture. A Tigrayan renowned scholar Dr. Hargeweini Assefa, who was working in Tigray before the start of the war on November 4^th, 2020, claimed that she received a report that indicated close to 300 children were raped by family members in one region of Tigray. Around the same time concerned Tigrayan women and girls conducted a coordinated demonstration in the regional capital city of Mekelle against the ill-treatment of women and girls in Tigray. Since the war started in November 2020, TPLF’s propaganda machine has been widely invested in broadcasting the alleged rape of Tigray women by Ethiopian soldiers and their allies. War indeed comes with death and destruction. In fact, women and children are the main receivers of the brunt. However, what is unique in Tigray is any rape of women and girls that may have happened during the war is only one part of the big puzzle. The problem is bigger than that. That is why even after the Ethiopian army and its allied forces left Tigray, rape persisted unabated. It is time to recognize the bad treatment of women and girls in Tigray and conduct an education campaign aimed at correcting the evils entrenched deep inside the society. It is a social menace, and it can only be eradicated by society.

The Claim of Destruction and Looting.

As described in my prior discussion, war creates lawlessness, a vacuum in administration, and leads to destruction, hunger, and looting. Those problems could be minimized if society is well organized and understands whatever belongs to the government belongs to society. In the event a void in governance is created, schools, government institutions, and other public properties belong to society and should be protected. Tigray lacks such a level of thinking. When the prior Ethiopian Military Junta (Dergue) army was defeated in Shire (Tigray) by the combined TPLF and EPLF force during the late 1980s and fled from Tigray region to Dessie, all public institutions including schools and health clinics in Tigray were looted by the population. Such dangerous culture came back during the recent war that started in November 2020. Most of the public institutions were looted by the population they were established to serve. Even if they wanted to do it, the Ethiopian army and its allied forces couldn’t loot and destroy every school and health institution in Tigray. In fact, in addition to the military hospital in kuiha (near Mekelle) most of the medicine in Tigray’s health institutions was looted by the TPLF itself and transported to the Bushes. The heavy-duty trucks loaded with medicine that were captured by the Ethiopian army near Yechila (Gidget) during the early stages of the 2020 war was a testament to the irresponsible acts of the TPLF. Instead of pointing fingers at others and advancing the victimization propaganda, it is time to look inside and strengthen the ownership stake of the public on public institutions.

Dependence on Aid.

When the TPLF assumed the helm of power in Addis Ababa in 1990, the Tigray people hoped their problems would disappear overnight. Due to overpopulation and limited fertile land conducive to agriculture, Tigray has suffered from drought for decades. Considering the gravity of the problem, one would think that the initial task of the TPLF is to engage in full force to reverse the risk of devasting draught and build a sustainable agricultural mechanism in Tigray. Yet TPLF never focused on Tigray. A third of the population was dependent on food aid and unemployment in Tigray was rampant. In fact, the TPLF used food aid to control the Tigray people. After the war broke out in November 2020, food aid was used as a precondition for conscription and feeding the TPLF army. Those who were lucky enough to receive food aid were asked to return part of what they received to the TPLF. The whole governance system in Tigray is conditioned on food aid and such practice has a historical background. During the Ethiopian great famine in the 1980’s TPLF financed its operations by selling aid that was meant for the poor Tigray people in grain markets in Sudan. Therefore, currently seeing state government officials in Tigray depending on food aid to cushion their extravagant spending culture and feed their army is not a surprise yet highlights the gravity of the problem. To the contrary Tigray’s neighbor to the North, Eritrea, rejected food aid and was able to secure a preliminary self-sustaining agricultural system. Tigray’s regional government’s primary objective should be to get the people out of food aid. If you cannot feed yourself, you cannot have an independent political culture. If you cannot feed yourself, you are more likely to be on the whims of others and that will not bring peace and stability to the region.

Respect for the Rule of Law.

Law and order are the fundamental pillars of any civilized society. When there is no respect for the law fairness disappears and only those who assume the helm of power are the winners. Traditionally respect for law and order in Tigray has been weak. The bandit (shifta) culture is highly entrenched. It is common to see government officials and those who are connected to them to be immune from accountability. Government officials in Tigray come to power not to serve the people but to enrich themselves and their families. Such utter disregard for the rule of law by the TPLF Officials does not stop in local administrative government matters. The TPLF officials led by the late Meles Zenawi signed a binding border arbitration agreement with neighboring Eritrea during the year 2000. When the Ethiopia and Eritrea Boundary Commission gave its verdict two years later, they outrightly rejected it and continued the saber-rattling against Eritrea. Not only they continued occupying the land that was given to Eritrea for 20 years but also bought expensive long-range Missiles to destroy mining infrastructure deep inside Eritrea. Their twisted mindset kept the enmity between Tigray and Eritrea intact for 20 years and resulted in the recent devastating war. It would have been easier for them to accept the binding border verdict and work at mending the fractured relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia. But they could not have the capacity to think long-term. For them, the aid they get from Western powers and multilateral institutions at the expense of containing Eritrea was a major motivator to adopt a no war no peace policy for 20 years. The Tigray elite and the entire population need to understand that disrespecting the law is a double-edged sword. Peace can be established only when you respect the law. If you adopt the “the force is the law” policy, when you lose the upper hand, you become very vulnerable to an attack that may threaten your survival. Only International relations based on respect to international law can bring sustainable peace and development between countries and the region at large.

Destructive Inflated Worrier Culture.

The Horn of Africa is inhabited by a population that never got a respite from conflict and war for decades. Internal and external conflicts have been ravaging the Horn of Africa for years and that resulted in immense hunger, death, and destruction. Anyone can agree that the populations who reside in the greater Horn of Africa are worriers. The problem is, it is such a worrier mentality that is destroying the Horn of Africa. A civilized way of resolving conflicts through negotiations and court proceedings never got a chance to set foot in the Horn of Africa. When the TPLF waged a war of insurrection against the previous Ethiopian military regime for 17 years its major grievance was the marginalization of the Tigray people by the then-central Ethiopian government. Unfortunately, when the TPLF assumed the helm of power in Addis Ababa in 1990 it did more destruction to Ethiopia than its predecessor, the Dergue. Although it represented only 6% of the Ethiopian population It filled all economic, security, and military institutions with ethnic Tigrayans, divided the country into ethnic lines, and waged war against Somalia and Eritrea. When the TPLF was pushed out of power by a combined force of Amhara and Oromo youth it fled to Tigray and plotted a return to power. Instead of negotiating with the central government to resolve administrative and political issues, it gravitated to the destructive inflated so-called Tigray worrier culture. Kids as young as 12 and 13 years old were recruited and trained in how to shoot, in most cases, for only one to three days and were sent to the war front. The sad part of the story is those kids that were sent to fight better trained and armed adversaries were given only one Kalashnikov for five or six of them. Only one can shoot, and the rest need to wait until that person dies or kills an adversary. The uniqueness of the destructive inflated Tigray’s worrier culture is TPLF’s complete disregard for human life. Other than that, Tigrayans are not different from the Amhara, the Oromo, or Afar.

Conclusion

The current fall of Tigray is worse than the fall of the Axumite kingdom. The current fall not only brought Tigray fifty years back, but also antagonized it with its neighbors Amhara, Afar, and Eritrea. If one asks whether this was what the TPLF envisioned when it started the 17 years of struggle against the Dergue, the answer is a definite no. Yet the truth is the current situation in Tigray is the outcome of TPLF’s 27 years of dependence on aid, misguided policy, and adventurism. The marginalization of other bigger Ethiopian Ethnic groups, the division of Ethiopia in Ethnic lines, and of course the rejection of the Ethio-Eritrea boundary commission decision were the notable misdeeds of TPLF. Currently, TPLF and the Tigray people have no choice other than to cooperate with the central government to undo the damages they inflicted on the populations of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, and the wider region. Above all TPLF and Tigray need to stop the politics of victimization and do house cleaning and embark on a cultural revolution to remove the ills that have been created by the 27 years misguided Journey.

Awet N’Hafash and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.

SEA Recognizes Eritrean Journalist Haregu Keleta for Outstanding Work in Journalism

By

SETIT

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05/05/2023

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Setit Media is proud to announce the third annual Setit Excellence Award, a program designed to recognize Eritrean individuals who have shown exceptional talent and dedication in their respective fields. The goal of this program is to celebrate the achievements of outstanding Eritrean citizens who have made significant contributions in their fields and inspire others to follow in their footsteps.

This year, the Setit Excellence Award is proud to recognize Ms. Haregu Keleta for her exceptional work in the field of journalism. Ms. Keleta, an experienced Eritrean journalist, has been recognized for her outstanding contributions in highlighting important social issues, human rights, and social justice. Her work has been an inspiration to many, and we are thrilled to celebrate her achievements through this award.

The Setit Excellence Award began in 2020, and we are delighted to continue this tradition of recognizing outstanding Eritrean citizens who are making a positive impact in their respective fields. We believe that this program will inspire others to strive for excellence and make a meaningful difference in their communities.

The award ceremony, which was initially planned for May 6th, has unfortunately been canceled due to the ongoing war in Sudan. Nonetheless, we remain committed to recognizing Ms. Keleta’s achievements and celebrating her exceptional work in the field of journalism.

We extend our heartfelt congratulations to Ms. Haregu Keleta for being the recipient of this year’s Setit Excellence Award and wish her all the best in her future endeavors.

Global Cereal Prices Decline in March 2023

By

SETIT

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27/04/2023

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FAO Reports Upward Revision of World Cereal Production in 2022

The latest report from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) revealed that the FAO Cereal Price Index decreased by 5.6 percent in March 2023 compared to February 2023. The decline was mainly driven by the drop in international wheat prices by 7.1 percent, as a result of strong competition among exporters and ample global supplies. The global supply outlook was boosted by higher estimates for Australia’s production and better crop conditions in the European Union in April 2023.

International rice prices also declined by 3.2 percent, influenced by ongoing or imminent harvests in major exporting countries such as India, Thailand, and Vietnam. World barley and sorghum prices declined by 6.7 percent and 5.7 percent, respectively, as a spillover from the weakness in international maize and wheat markets.

The report also stated that the world cereal production projection for 2022 has been revised upward to 2,777 million tonnes, although still 1.2 percent lower than in 2021. The forecast for world cereal consumption in 2022/23 is 2,779 million tonnes, a decrease of 1.0 million tonnes since February, indicating a decline of 0.7 percent from 2021/22. The lower anticipated feed use of maize and minor adjustments made for several importing countries due to smaller expected imports accounted for the decrease.

The FAO report also highlighted that world maize prices fell by 4.6 percent in March due to seasonal availability from harvests in South America, expectations of record output in Brazil, and the extension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative.

Overall, the decline in global cereal prices in March 2023 may provide some relief to countries that depend heavily on cereal imports. However, the situation may vary depending on the specific country and cereal in question. The FAO will continue to monitor global cereal markets and provide updated information as necessary.

What’s Right With Eritrea

By

Daniel Teklai

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27/03/2023

0

Over the years, a lot has been said and written about what is WRONG with Eritrea. Most of that revolves around the issues of human rights abuses and the failed economic system. Volumes of heartbreaking stories, witness testimonies and compelling articles have been documented. Yes, to this day, there is indeed a long list of wrong things that should be made right.

To clear the field let’s get the undisputed wrong things out of the way. Dictatorship, ignoring the ratified Constitution, violation of human rights, torture, indefinite detention without trial, no free press, no freedom of association, economic crisis, unemployment, poverty, poor institutions, poor infrastructure, and lack of basic services.

However, even dark clouds have silver linings, rays of hope. In this article, I will focus on some of the good things we can build upon as it is very important that we remember not just our liabilities, but our assets as well.

Law-Abiding Society

It’s ironic that a country with a long and proud tradition of customary law is being undermined by a government that rules by arbitrary decree. Nevertheless, the average citizen in Eritrea prefers to follow the law and obey authorities. While this aspect can be abused by authoritarian regimes, in the long run, when people are motivated not by fear of breaking the law but by the desire to do the right thing, it can serve as a solid foundation for nation-building.

Even among those who support the current regime, few truly believe that the ideology of worshipping one person or one party can be sustained. It is safe to say that dictatorship is now resoundingly rejected and the rule of law and democratic principles have more appeal than ever. While the timing, means and ways of how to get there will not be easy, once a consensus is built among all stakeholders, governing Eritrea will not be difficult.

Stability

Unlike in the countries in the region like Ethiopia, Somalia, or Sudan, the ability of the Eritrean government to maintain order and provide services within its territory is uncontested. This means, there are no paramilitary groups, militias, armed insurgencies, or warlords that may hinder a peaceful transition from dictatorship to constitutional governance.

In this regard, maintaining a well-trained and experienced military will be paramount and the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) has proven that it can meet any internal or external threats to peace.

Natural Resources

Eritrea is blessed with a number of natural resources, including deposits of gold, potash, copper, zinc, underutilized ports, fishing, and tourism industry as well as potential reserves of oil and natural gas.

In short, it is a rich country made poor by a series of unfortunate circumstances but it can develop its economy and improve the lives of its people in a short time.

Lack of infrastructure, lack of skilled labor, and lack of investment are not easy hurdles to overcome but with constitutional governance, peace, and leaders that are open to loosening control over the economy, Eritrea can be on its way to being a middle-income country.

Small Population

At around 4-5 million people, Eritrea’s population is relatively small. While a small population can have its disadvantages, it can make it easier to provide services such as education and healthcare to all citizens. With a healthy economy and rule of law to support it, it can also be simpler to maintain transparency and fight corruption.

It won’t be long before we are once again able to dream what other small nations like Rwanda or Mauritius have achieved or dream even bigger and aspire to be like Singapore, Ireland, or Finland.

Strategic Location

It is often said that Eritrea’s strategic advantage is its proximity to major shipping lanes on the Red Sea. That is generally true from the perspective of military operations of countries that want to control the region. But simply being located there doesn’t mean we get to collect tolls as ships sail by. It is also a double-edged sword, as the strategic location also means it makes the country a target of those who want to control the region and don’t view Eritrea as an ally.

I think the real strategic advantage is the ports of Massawa and Assab. As the population of land-locked Ethiopia continues to grow, the huge and untapped potential to make these ports economic hubs of the region is yet to come.

Patriotic Diaspora

Remittances, the money that is sent by the Eritrean diaspora to families and friends inside the country, is already a major source of foreign currency for the country. But that is only one part of what could be achieved. At this time, there is no investment activity to speak of, but the potential is still there.

Involvement of the diaspora can also make Eritrea become oneof the highest education–per–capita counties in sub-Saharan Africa. Given the opportunity and with the right kind of capital-friendly environment, diaspora Eritreans can infuse the economy with hundreds of millions of dollars each year. The government can issue bonds for large-scale development projects which will create thousands of jobs.

Revival of the Deferred Dream

Years ago, Gaim Kibreab wrote a well-written book titled Eritrea: A Dream Deferred. It was a comprehensive analysis of how the promise of the Eritrean Revolution was hijacked and betrayed. But that dream of having a free, peaceful, and prosperous country is something every Eritrean dream of. However, it is not only the dream that has been suspended, deferred, or left on hiatus for decades. It is also actual projects that have been postponed, actual capital waiting to be invested in the country, buildings waiting to be erected, business plans waiting to be implemented, and a wealth of skills and experience waiting to be shared.

With goodwill, good luck, and positive thoughts, the deferred dream does not have to remain deferred forever. While the challenges seem insurmountable, they are not beyond hope. Yes, we need to keep hope alive but that will not be enough. If the definition of hope is the belief that something good will happen in the future, we need to add bold actions so that the hope turns into a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Eritrean Writers and the Struggle to Reflect the Totality of Our Existence

By

Aman Tekeste

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22/03/2023

0

Have Eritrean writers failed as credible authors? In a society that has faced immense political instability and social trauma, do Eritrean writers have the luxury of translating books of exhausting self-help tips or writing about typical love stories, mundane dramas, or rational and idealistic life story contents that obscure the harsh realities of life? As a society, we must question whether Eritrean writers have done justice to the totality of our existence. What constitutes a respected author? Do we even have authors?

Take me on a journey through your narration that portrays the painful experiences of Eritreans who were raped multiple times in a single night for days in the deserts of Sinai-Libya, and of those who were forced to give up their kidneys as described in the book “EZI WN” by Merhawi Woldemichael. Make me feel their pain, fear, and trauma and remind me of the horrors that still plague our society.

Let me delve into the painful narratives of Alienation/disconnection, stagnation, uncertainty, psychological trauma, existential confinement and a sense of aimlessness that are described in the book “KALIE SLE ZEYELO” by Abraham Tesfalul. Moreover, the book depicts the agony and sorrow of war through the experiences of a soldier, a mother, a child, and others. Allow me to feel the weight of these emotions as I read your words.”

In the same way that Sara Belay portrayed the dysfunction and crisis within the EPLF Gedli in her book “TSELAM SANDUQ,” show me in your narration the breakdowns among guerrilla fighters. Craft a narrative that illuminates the marginalization, resentment, polarization, divisions, and prejudices that existed among these fighters. Along with their bravery, write about the horrors of trench warfare and portray them as human beings. Highlight the psychological effects of war, including depression and anxiety, as well as the (post)traumatic experiences they endured.

Allow me to sit with Yirgalem Fisseha in her prison cell for just one night, let alone for six long years, and witness her tears, frustrations, prayers, and hopes. Although she has beautifully conveyed her experiences in her two books (“ALEKU” & “ZEYBEREYE GODNEY”), other writers may be able to craft the stories of those journalists who have been imprisoned for decades. Paint me a portrait of the disorientation, confusion, and overwhelming sense of meaninglessness that grips one’s very soul in such a desolate and unforgiving place.

Despite his brainwashing indoctrination, Dessale Berekhet’s short commentaries vividly depict the reality and dilemma faced by Eritrea. I watched selected parts of journalist Mehari Abraham’s interview conducted by Seltene Girmay on the Tefetawi talk show. Although it may seem repetitive argumentation (Argumentum ad nauseam), it reflects our reality. As a society, we must listen attentively and contemplate deeply on the harsh realities and tragedies we face. Temesgen Tewelde’s beautiful clip, titled ‘Message to Eritrean Singers’ on Facebook, emphasizes the importance of expressing ourselves with courage, distinguishing between reality and illusion, and challenging misleading beliefs and perceptions. It is crucial to speak truthfully, even if it may be difficult or uncomfortable. Furthermore, ዳኒ ወዲ-መምህር’s YouTube content is thought-provoking and insightful. I salute him for the profound thoughts and emotional depth exhibited in some of his videos (like ‘WAGA HADE ERITRAWI’). In conclusion:

Let us break away from the illusory veil and the shackles of rational and idealistic literature that obscure the harsh realities of life – the unavoidable pain of suffering and the inevitable specter of death. I choose to embrace reality in its true and unfiltered form because it is not only our thoughts but also our emotions that define us as human beings. I refuse to accept narratives that aim to simplify the complexities of our surroundings. True literature should reflect the totality of our existence. Our literature ought to explore the human condition, providing insight and facilitating emotional connections. It’s time to move beyond self-help books and novels that sugar-coat the complexities of love and the trivialities of daily life. Let us evaluate literary works based on their ability to depict the human experience, with all its joys and sorrows. As Eritreans who are no strangers to tragedy, let us confront the horrors of our personal existence.
***

These are thoughts that emerged after I read a post by Henok Tesfabruk on Facebook. Henok’s reflections on his 44th birthday brought to light the unfulfilled aspirations, stagnation, and disappointment that many Eritreans can relate to. This made me question whether Eritrean writers have failed as credible authors, particularly in a society that has faced immense political instability and social trauma. Writing about trivial matters like typical love stories and mundane dramas or translating self-help books that obscure the harsh realities of life does not do justice to the pressing issues and existential crises facing our community. If we sideline these issues, then what is the point of writing at all? Eritrean literature must evolve to showcase the failures faced by our people and the unimaginable atrocities inflicted upon them, including the unfulfilled aspirations of individuals, the stagnation, the mental exhaustion resulting from prolonged political stress, the lack of meaningful social relationships, and the lack of direction that have become hallmarks of our existence as Eritreans.

Let us avoid mediocrity, for literature that is merely mediocre falls far short of what we deserve.

P.S.: The books I mentioned are just a few examples that quickly come to mind.

Between a Rock and Hard Place

By

Daniel Teklai

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13/03/2023

2

After watching Isaias Afeworki‘s hours and hours-long interviews, it is easy to make a case against most of his views about regional and domestic issues. Without bothering to bring up the topics of justice, freedom of speech, and human rights, even on the state of the country’s economy, it wouldn’t take much effort to show that his administration has amounted to failure.

Heck, even Isaias would agree with that conclusion.

Whether we agree with some or all of his ideas and his very vague statements may be debatable. But the undisputed truth is that the important issues of war and peace and the handling of the country’s economy are not decided by the Eritrean people. As always, there is no indication that even the cabinet of ministers or the PFDJ apparatus has any say over the direction of where things are going. One thing is for sure, however: the one-man authoritarian system is in full control. And that control is not sustainable, as sooner or later it must be replaced. He must be replaced.

The Rock

No doubt about it, the core of Eritrea’s problem is the lack of a constitutional process to resolve issues. That’s why things, even things that shouldn’t be complicated, turn into jigsaw puzzles. Most of the issues we Eritreans argue about could easily and amicably be settled by our elected representatives by debating and voting one way or the other. But dictatorship is a double-pronged knife, on one end it kills the rule of law and on the other, it makes it extremely hard to bring it back.

If dictatorship is wrong and democratic governance is right, then the path from wrong to right shouldn’t be complicated – at least the idea of it.

But unfortunately, even the clarity of mission is never that simple nor is it that easy. Complicated doesn’t mean unsolvable however, it just means that there are entanglements, puzzles, conundrums, and competing priorities to consider. As they say, the devil is in the details and one can only discover the devils – the complicated details – after taking a few steps toward solving the main problem.

The Hard Place

Some of the unavoidable issues to consider are the means of struggle and the fundamental principles that must be upheld no matter what. From choosing a path of non-violence or armed confrontation to collaborating with foreign actors or exclusively relying on change from inside the country, are among the issues those who are actively involved must pick and choose.

After what seems to be endless debates and arguments and eventually coming to terms with reality, at this time, it is safe to say that the vast majority of Eritreans prefer to see a change from within the country. Within the Eritrean Diaspora communities also, except for very few fringe elements, no one wants to see violence among Eritreans or anything that breaks the laws of their host countries.

If there was any doubt about which path the majority of Eritreans inside and outside the country are likely to support, the reaction of Eritrean activists to the war in Tigray made it very clear. In no uncertain terms, Eritreans demonstrated that, regardless of how they view the current government, they are not willing to compromise their country’s sovereignty and invite a foreign army to invade.

Now as we enter a relatively calmer era, those of us who have been advocating for the principles of non-violence and change from within inside, find ourselves in the uncomfortable place of facing a rock and a hard place.

On one hand, our genuine cause of fighting for democratic rights, accountability, and transparency in government must go on until the mission is accomplished, on the other hand, we must show that it is not muddied by anti-Eritrean sovereignty or anti-Eritrean unity sentiments. On one hand, working with change agents from within the system means doing away with the opposition/supporter model and on the other hand, it also means taking measures to not give a tacit endorsement of the status quo.

To create even more clarity, let’s add one important concept: loyal opposition.

Loyal Opposition

Simply put, loyal opposition means people can be loyal to their nation but opposed to the policies of the government of the day. In the absence of a democratic system, it is extremely hard to talk about the concept of providing constructive criticism and alternative proposals to improve governance. But given the peculiar situation, the state of Eritrean politics is in, that is exactly what we need to do. Instead of constantly declaring that we are going to dismantle the dictatorship and erect the flag of democracy on its grave, it is time to be realistic, pragmatic, and smart. As they say, there is a difference between a wish and a plan.

A wish is a desire or hope for something to happen. A plan, on the other hand, is a detailed and organized strategy for achieving a specific objective. One of the specific objectives that must be clearly communicated is a transition blueprint that addresses the important aspects of implementing reforms.

This may be alien to those who believe in the vague mantra of “uprooting” the system. But for those of us who believe in change from the inside, the onus is upon us to show exactly what we mean and how. Then, as part of that approach of confidence building and clarity, the execution of those plans will lead to a transitionary period.

Orderly Transition

One of the main goals of a peaceful and orderly transition is to prevent chaos and confusion. This transition is likely to be not a revolution but a steady change from within the system. Therefore the aim of the transition plan should be to serve as a guide to influence things toward the rule of law and implementing the constitution. As such, to be taken seriously and impactful, it also needs to be conciliatory in tone and purpose.

If all these sound difficult or uncomfortable, that is because it is challenging to be stuck between a rock and a hard place. But sometimes, progress and maturity require us to choose between two uneasy options. Considering how those decisions affect the next generation should make it less comfortable to decide.

For further discussion, I invite you to share this with your contacts and send me an email to [email protected]