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The Loss of a Hero: A time of Sadness

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Friday, March 26  was a sad day for me and many Eritrean journalists. We lost a hero, a fighter, a fighter for the freedom of the press. A man who founded a newspaper to fight for justice, a man who was never afraid to express his views, a man who was a voice for the voiceless: the people who live in remote areas, the youth in the national service. A man who always prioritized the interest of his people before him, even though he knew it would cost him everything, but he did not care. A man who was always willing to speak his mind and tackle corrupt leaders.

I’ll bet you knew him. An eloquent writer, a bold and ambitious man Milkias Mihreteab. He passed away at 52. His life was cut short because of an illness that had been torturing him for years.

He co-founded Kestedebena newspaper on November 24, 1998 with his friends Medhanie Haile, Yosief Alazar and Habteab Yemane.

FB IMG 1616775556493Kestedebena means rainbow, and they named the paper this in order to include all facets of Eritrean life, like different colours of the rainbow. Milkias ran the newspaper as editor-in-chief and Medhanie Haile was his deputy. Because of their firm commitment, the circulation of the newspaper grew from its first issue of 5000 copies to 20,000, from biweekly to twice a week when it ended its publication involuntarily in September 2001 along with the whole independent press of the country.

The secret of Kestedebena’s success was Milkias’s bold approach to issues that were very important for the public. He wrote about the crippled transport system of Asmara, the inflated charge of taxi drivers, and the refusal of the regime to tackle the basic needs of the people.

In his editorials, there was no crucial issue that he left unexplored. What stood out for me, though, was the editorial he wrote that criticized the foreign policy of the Eritrean government. The title read “Either be a mountain or lean to a mountain.”

Seeing the shrewd approach of the Ethipian prime minister Meles Zenawi with the international community, Milkias wanted Eritrea to change its diplomatic tactics in order to be heard globally. He called on the Eritrean government to master the language of diplomacy in how it interacted with foreign superpowers like the USA either to be a mountain or lean to it to save the people and the country.

I always enjoyed reading his unfiltered approach on issues that sometimes I didn’t have the courage to speak up about myself. When I realized the self-reliance, mantra drummed by the regime, I knew it was false. Milkias spotted that too and poured his ideas onto paper.

A mutual friend, Medhanie Haile, introduced me to Milkias first in 1997, while Medhanie was working as a sports reporter for my newspaper Setit, the newspaper I co-founded and edited. Instantly we hit it off.

Milkias was sociable, funny and intelligent. He liked to joke around but also to talk about serious issues. Whenever he met me on campus or outside, he always had good things to say about my newspaper or the articles I had written.

A year after our introduction, he launched Kestedebena with his friends. He used to say that they started Kestedebena because they had been inspired by Setit newspaper. To become the voice of the people rather than working for the ministry of Justice. He studied law but never wanted to work with his field.

The love he had for his country and his people was visible. You could hear it when he talked and read it when he wrote. There was nothing that would make him happier than seeing progress in the country whether it was in the economy, education, health or construction. Unfortunately, that progress had been put on hold, and he could no longer talk about progress but only about relapse.

Mil yohannesThe other excellent quality Milkias had was his ability to admit his mistakes when he made one, and he was never too shy to admit to them. There was one incident that rocked our relationship for a week. One of the contributing cartoonists submitted a cartoon that criticized Kestedebena newspaper for serving the interests of the American government. The cartoonist didn’t mention the name of Kestedebena, but it was easy for readers to know especially if they followed the coverage of the paper that week. I didn’t select the cartoon, and it never crossed my mind to publish it, but to my disappointment it was published. It was a total mistake. I took full responsibility. Three days later, as a retaliation, Milkias wrote over 1000 words to attack me and my colleagues and published this column in his newspaper. To avoid the escalation of the case, we chose not to respond, but I stated that we would handle the issue legally. We never intended to sue him or his newspaper for defamation.

Two days after he published the inflammatory article, he saw me entering Bar Lidya, the bar and coffee shop in which I used to often hang out when I had an appointment near the University of Asmara. He followed me. Before I saw him, I heard his voice, “Masterey, I am so sorry.” I turned around, and it was him. As a matter of respect, he often called his friends masterey (my boss).

“I am so sorryI crossed the line. I was supposed to focus on the cartoonist, not on you or your paper,” he said, regretfully.

“No, actually, I am sorry too,” I said. “I was not supposed to publish such a cartoon, but it slipped out.”

“So, you will not sue us?”

“Only if you pay for this coffee.” We both laughed.

That’s the beauty of his character. He was always straightforward and very honest. We both moved on, holding no grudges.

He was one of the few lucky journalists like me who escaped the grip of the regime at the end of 2001. Since then, he lived in Washington, DC, and pursued his struggles by blogging at Asmarino, Awate and other websites until his health hindered him.

Whenever I went to Washington DC, I used to meet him to catch up and remember our colleagues who have been in jail since 2001. The last time I met him in person was in 2012. We spent the evening together remembering the old times, our fellow journalists, the contributions they made to their country, the ambition they had, and what could have been accomplished if the crackdown hadn’t happened.

One by one we remembered all our former colleagues, particularly those reported dead:  Medhanie Haile, deputy editor of Kestedebena; Matewos Habteab, editor-in-chief of Meklih; and Fessehaye Yohannes, a talented playwright and journalist.

“Do you think this news could be true?” I asked. I never forgot what he said then.

“I don’t want to believe it, but it could be true,” he said. “If we get sick often here despite breathing fresh air,  how could we expect them to be alive if they have been kept in a shipping container for years?”

He was right. Year after year,  we have only received worsening news. Yusuf Mohamed Ali, editor-in-chief of Tsigienay; Dawit Habtemichael, deputy editor of Mekalih; and Said Abdelkadir, editor-in-chief of Admas have all died. And we know nothing about the wellbeing of Seyoum Tsehaye, Amanuel Asrat, Dawit Isaak, Temesgen Gebreyesus and many others who were arrested in September 2001.

What frustrated him most, though, was that he was not able to do as much as he would have wished to advocate for his colleagues’ release. He never reconciled with himself and he used to take it personally as if all of this were his fault. He didn’t have the peace of mind like many of us.

Now, the hero is gone. But his legacy to journalism, his contribution to his country, and his love for his people will live forever. Rest in peace, my friend!

ሱዳን፡ ኢትዮጵያ ዘካየደቶ ሓድሽ ወተሃደራዊ መጥቃዕቲ ኮኒና

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ምኒስትሪ ወጻኢ ጉዳያት ሱዳን፡ ሎሚ ሰንበት ኣብ ዘውጸኦ መግለጺ፡ ሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ ዝገብሮ ሓድሽ ወተሃደራዊ መጥቃዕቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሕጋዊ ግዝኣታዊ መሬተይ፡ ቀጥታዊ ጥሕሰት ልእላውነታ’ውን መሬታ’ውን ሓድነት ሱዳን እያ ክብል ኮኒንዎ።
ኣብዚ ሎሚ ዝወጸ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጺ፡ እዚ ሓደሽ ወተሃደራዊ መጥቃዕቲ ብ ሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ፡ መዓስ ግዜን ዕለትን ከምዘጋጠመ እኳ ተዘይገለጸ፥ ነቲ ተግባር ግን ጥሕሰት ኣወንታዊ ክብርታት ጎረቤትናን ናይ ክልቲኤን ሃገርት፡ ውሕስነትን ጸጥታን፡ ዝጥሕስ እዩ ክብል እቲ መግለጺ ብተወሳኺ ኣፍሊጡ።

እቲ መግለጺ ብተወሳኺ፡ ኢትዮጵያ ትገብሮ ዘላ ዓመጽ ኣብ ልዕሊ ናይ ሱዳን መሬት ጠጠው ክተብልን፡ ነቲ ዶብ ኣብ ምምልካት ኣብ ባይታ ክትሰማማዕን ክጽውዕ ከሎ፡ ኢትዮጵያ ሳዕቤን ናይዚ ሓዲሽ መጥቃቲ ከኣ ተሓታቲ እያ ክብል ሓቢሩ።

ኣልፋሽቃ ንሱዳናን ኢትዮጵያን ንነዊሕ ዓመታት ዘሳሓሕብን፡ ክሳብ ኣብ ግጭት ከእቱ ዝጸንሐ ምኻኑ ዝፍለጥ ኮይኑ፡ ካብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት ወርሒ ሕዳር ጀሚሩ፡ ግን እቲ ጉዳይ ዶባዊ ምስሕሓብ ናብ ግጭት ከምዝዓረገን ሱዳን ወተሃደራዊ ስርሒታት ብምክያድ፡ ብኢትዮጵያ ተታሒዙኒ ዝነበረ መሬት ኣምሊሰዮ ክትብል ከምዝገለጸት ይፍለጥ።

Eritrea’s Anti-forced conscription campaigners demand accountability in the war in Tigray

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As a campaign we actively supported the United Nation’s Commission of Inquiry (COI) Eritrea Report in 2016 that found Isaias Afwerki and the PFDJ regime guilty of crimes against humanity, committed in Eritrea and state sponsored slavery. Whilst we continue to demand the end of slavery in Eritrea and support peace in our region, today we vehemently oppose the war in Tigray and Isaias’ involvement. Eritrea has no parliament or rule of law and the ruling party has no mandate to govern or represent Eritrea.

This lack of accountability and rule of law in Eritrea is why Isaias Afwerki and his ruling party, with the blessing of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, continue to destabilize the region. The expansion of Isaias’ influence in the region has allowed him to continue his crimes and act in total impunity. We are therefore calling for the UN to reinstate sanctions on Isaias Afwerki and Eritrean officials to tame their destructive influence and hold them accountable. We are also deeply concerned about reports of Eritrean refugees forcibly returned to Eritrea by the brutal regime they fled from. We urge the UNHCR to protect Eritrean refugees that are in grave danger, in a conflict area in Tigray.

This is Isaias’ war, the same Isaias Afwerki found guilty of crimes against humanity, using forced conscripts under the indefinite national slavery program to wage war on Tigray and commit horrendous crimes -gross human rights violations to which Eritreans have been subjected to for decades- and now he is also allegedly unleashing on civilians in Tigray with impunity. It is to be highlighted that many of the forced Eritrean conscripts are underaged girls and boys. We condemn the criminality and demand accountability.

We are inspired by the courageous Somali mothers demanding the return of their children that have joined the war in Tigray. We too call on all Eritrean conscripts to defy orders and return home immediately. As ever we are committed to the rule of law, justice, accountability, and an end to impunity in Eritrea and our region at large.

Our immediate demands

  1. We call on the Ethiopian government to protect Eritrean refugees in Tigray, instead of absconding on their International obligations by turning them over to Isaias’ troops they fled from.
  2. The government of Eritrea to suspend use of forced conscripts and withdraw from all war activities in Tigray and Ethiopian troops to withdraw from Eritrean territory and return home
  3. Independent UN investigation in the allegations of horrific war crimes in Tigray by Eritrean and Ethiopian forces and those found guilty to be taken to the ICC
  4. All Eritrean conscripts to defy orders to attack innocent civilians
  5. International NGOs to be allowed access to Eritrea and assist those in need of food, water and medicine and an end to the stringent covid-19 lockdown that cut off the population from the rest of the world and allowed the government to embark on war activities unhindered by public opinion.
  6. Sanctions to be re-imposed on Isaias Afwerki and PFDJ officials

We continue to call on the release of all prisoners of conscience in Eritrea. National reconciliation talks in Eritrea and a transition to democracy, working towards democratic institutions, rule of law and sustainable peace in the Horn of Africa.

Stop Slavery in Eritrea Team

[email protected]

Date 28-01-2021

Desecrators of the Sacred Trust

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bereketProfessor Bereket Habte Selassie has published over 20 books; covering topics from the making of the Eritrean Constitution to the principles of self-determination, to Pan-Africanism. Essays, novels, poetry, and an autobiography … he has done it all.
But his latest book, “Desecrators of the Sacred Trust” is different. Really different. This time, he chose a topic that can be summarized as a daring journey to the dark side of a tyrant’s mind. By comparing and contrasting Trump’s dictatorial tendencies and mirroring them against that of Isaias Afwerki’s, he paints a picture of how the decision-making process of sociopaths work.
It is a giant leap indeed and from the get-go, Dr. Bereket makes it clear as he has it summarized on the back cover: “Comparing the two leaders from two countries with striking contrast in size, history and government structure may seem strange. America is a democratic republic with a constitution two hundred and thirty years old; Eritrea is a dictatorship ruled by an unelected former guerrilla leader who suppressed a ratified constitution and rules by decree. However, both leaders are dedicated to the destruction of, or at the very least, the demeaning of the primary values of the democratic epoch, namely, democracy and rule of law.”
The renowned American writer, lecturer, and feminist Gloria Steinem agrees. In her review of the book, she said “By showing us the shared characteristics of two dangerous leaders on two distant continents, Bereket Selassie has given us a life-saving road map to choosing our future leaders on Spaceship Earth”.
An interesting book by one of Eritrea’s very interesting writers, indeed. Professor Bereket is a brilliant wordsmith who makes even the unpalatable subject matter fresh, engaging, and relevant in today’s world. I highly recommend reading this unique book written as history unfolds at this unique juncture.
On a personal note … I feel both grateful and honored to have had the opportunity to play a role in editing the book and also in designing the book cover. That meant spending some quality time over the past few months with the gracious, humble, wise, witty, and humorous, Dr. Berket. What a bonus it was for me. What a bonus.
The book is now available for ordering at myamazingbooks
Happy reading!

Press release First Conference of Bayto Yiakl USA

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Press release
First Conference of Bayto Yiakl USA

Bayto Yiakl USA has successfully commemorated its first annual conference on the 25th and 26th of September 2020 under the slogan of “Harmonized Work for A Secured Future.” Bayto Yiakl USA has conducted its first Annual conference virtually via a zoom conference which was also live streamed through Facebook. As such, the Eritrean community across the world were able to fully follow it from the comfort of their homes. At this historic virtual conference, Bayto Yiakl USA has assessed its yearlong activities – (its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats), and set up its future plans. At the end of the conference, Bayto Yiakl USA has elected its 9-member executive body which has the authority to lead the Bayto for two years. Generally, at this historic conference, Bayto has clearly revealed how the mass movement that has started more than a year ago by voicing out the phrase, “No More Silence, Enough to dictatorship, and Enough to Fragmentation” has overcome the challenges put forward by its enemies, and how it successfully accomplished its political activities in the midst of such challenges.
Members of this conference have unanimously agreed that all the challenges that has been targeting Bayto Yiakl have sourced from the divisive espionage tactics of the PFDJ regime. This conference has underlined the fact that the regime has been utilizing such divisiveness right from the inception of this Bayto because the regime knows that the time the Eritrean people come together against this regime, it will be the beginning of the end of its rule. The regime waged a failed campaign of disinformation such as labeling the movement as regional and funded by Weyane. However, the fact that no one can overpower a mass movement like Bayto Yiakl, the PFDJ regime’s conspiracy is not going to work as planned. Bayto believes the rebuttal of the regime’s evil conspiracy can only be realized if we as people become tightly organized among each other as justice seeking people in general and as Bayto Yiakl USA in particular. Bayto reminded to every conference participants (members and invited guests) and to all the Eritrean people who were following through the window of Facebook that safeguarding our people and our country Eritrea is a top priority, and it believes that the responsibility is vested in the hand of the Eritrean people.
One of the pride worthy achievement of Bayto Yiakl USA is its emergency response initiative that was initiated and organized during the outbreak of COVID-19 with the aim of supporting our people during this difficult time of the pandemic. Our Bayto in collaboration with other sister civic organizations and other Eritrean Yiakl movements across different part of the world has collected above $800,000 US dollars mostly from the Eritrean in the diaspora community. According to the report given by the department workers during our conference, so far above $270,000 has been disbursed to Eritrean communities living in the refugee camps bordering Eritrea who are the target of the aid’s mission.

Bayto Yiakl USA condemns all sorts of distortion from focusing on the dismantling of the regime and its institutions as unwise and unintelligible. The PFDJ’s regime has been doing unprecedented damages to our people and our country. Therefore, Bayto Yiakl USA calls all stakeholders of the Eritrean struggle for justice to come together as soon as possible lest their people extinct and the sovereignty of their country compromised. Bayto condemns all kind of excuses used by Eritrean justice seekers to avoid joining their hands with their counterparts in the struggle for justice and against the PFDJs regime as irrelevant.
Bayto Yiakl USA believes that the Eritrean people have been betrayed by the PFDJ’s regime. It is true that the Eritrean people are among the few people in the world who earned their independence without external support by paying tens of thousands of their productive youngsters. However, the PFDJ’s regime policies (both domestic and foreign) have betrayed their whims and holly expectations and consequently, they become the victim of exile into different corner of the world. Therefore, Bayto Yiakl USA condemns silence during this time of the prevalence of the plight of the Eritrean people as a betrayal of trust given by the Eritrean martyrs to every one of us.
Bayto Yiakl USA has assessed in this conference that the weaknesses of the justice seeking political groups have a big contribution in lengthening the suffering of our people. Despite the fact that the regime’s huge budget allocation on its espionage tactics and its access of to the unproportionally big wealth stollen from the Eritrean tax payers is delaying to the needed regime change, had the justice seeking political organizations come together, political change in Eritrea would not have taken this long before it is realized.
Bayto believes the main source on which our struggle should depend on is our people. However, as members of this world, it is also a must to seek other international and regional governments and organizations which can support us in achieving our goal of toppling the dictator. However, this is not possible without the unity of our struggle because many governmental and nongovernmental organizations want to see how powerful we are before they grant us their diplomatic credentials. Therefore, our unity is critical for our diplomatic success.
The conference participants have concluded that tolerance to our differences and the desire to work together is a prerequisite for unity. Therefore, at this critical juncture of our people and our country, any political, civic and or religious organizations who claims itself as someone who cares about the wellbeing of its people and its country should leave all secondary issues to the side and focus on how to get rid of the brutal PFDJ regime.
At this historic two-day conference, a big number of solidarity messages by representatives of Yiakl movements from different part of the world, prominent Eritrean political analysts, artist, and intellectuals and scholars were presented.

Bayto Yiakl USA
September 28, 2020

Setit Official Launch Announcement

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Setit Media — 8/1/2020 — Today we are pleased to announce the official launch of Setit, a media organization. Setit Media organization is established to provide objective information, to allow the public to make informed decisions and contribute towards building a more civilized Eritrean society. Geared towards Eritreans and all interested in the affairs of Eritrea and the East African region Setit strives to depict prevailing political, economic and social glaring reality in Eritrea and bridge the global movement for justice and democracy in Eritrea.
As a media entity, Setit at its core is a platform for objective, accurate and inclusive information. Setit Media outlets includes website, setit.org and Setit Media YouTube tv channel. Setit also uses social media venues, Facebook, twitter and Instagram.
Setit is inspired and driven by the role of Eritrean journalists in jail since September 2001 and banned Eritrea independent newspapers including Setit, Zemen, Hadas Admas, Keste Demena, Zegenaye, Meqaleh, Winta, and Mana. Setit Media aims to keep their legacy alive and revive Eritrean society towards development and democracy.

Reflections on the Beginning of Eritrean Free Press

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Reflections on the Beginning of Eritrean Free Press

Whenever I walk on the streets of Toronto from the subway station to where I work, I encounter people who distribute a free copy of the Metro newspaper. I don’t know whether it’s ingrained in my mind or if my memory gets refreshed every day, but I remember Setit—the first newspaper I co-founded in Eritrea. The newspaper I hold in my hand reminds me of Setit, and the people who distribute Metro with their broad smiles remind me of the children who used to distribute Setit and other newspapers in Asmara. That nostalgic feeling always throws me back to the past.

About two decades ago, the Eritrean government issued a law that permitted private ownership of print media. It was the highlight of the year for many people like myself who wished to exercise our democratic rights and be part of the greater conversation in the national dialogue. Although print media has a long history in Eritrea, this period marked the beginning of another long journey.

Missionaries introduced the modern printing press to Eritrea in 1866. However, publication began to grow in 1891 only after Italy established Eritrea as its colony. After establishing the print press in Eritrea, Protestant missionaries were also the first to start a newspaper in Eritrea. The first Eritrean religious newspaper—መልእኽቲ፡ ሰላም። (Message of Peace)—started in 1909. But, expectedly, the scene was soon taken over by Italian propagandist newspapers that primarily served the colonial agenda. The newspapers mainly targeted Italians living in Eritrea at that time. The dominant topics of these newspapers were politics, sports, and commerce. With the Italian educational policy of limiting Eritreans to the 4th grade, Eritreans didn’t have a forum of their own to practice freedom of the press. The segregationist policy of the Italians also did not enable them to take part in their own affairs.

This was later to change with the arrival of the British. The British Military Administration (1941-1952) started a newspaper in the local language, Tigrinya. ናይ ኤርትራ ሰሙናዊ ጋዜጣ (The Eritrean Weekly News) was the official organ of the British that started in 1942. In many ways, it allowed Eritreans to write, debate, and voice their opinions in their language. Its associate editor was Woldeab Woldemariam. The newspaper had a circulation of 5000 copies[i]. Moreover, Hanti Ertra and Wihidet Eritrea, which was the Arabic version of Hanti Ertra, were prominent newspapers in the 1950s.

The once-vibrant discussions in the newspaper were thwarted after Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia. Until Eritrea’s independence in 1991, electronic and print media were owned by the government and only served the purpose of the colonizer.

The long years of silence showed promising signs in June 1996. Implementation of the Eritrean Press Law (Press Proclamation No. 90/1996) was the beginning of a new chapter. I remember vividly reading Eritrea’s Gazette to digest the terms and conditions of that proclamation. The crucial contents were very vague and had a wide room for interpretation. For example, in Part five of that proclamation, it says a journalist is not allowed to disseminate “any document or secret information on the supreme interest of the nation and people, as well as national security and defense secrets,” but it failed to give the details. So, the interpretation of such a clause will fall into the hands of the court, which is not independent of the executive body. Criticizing a minister of defense or Internal Affairs for his/her ill-behavior can be interpreted as an issue of national security in the eyes of some people. Similarly, according to the vague article, exposing corruption of some key actors in the government can also be construed as the journalist acting against the law. The officials of the government or the court will always have an upper hand in interpreting the proclamation in their way. However, my wife and I as a team, and my two former friends Semret Seyoum and Habtom Mihreteab, were not discouraged by the intimidating tone or vagueness of the proclamation or the potential risk to which we would expose ourselves. We decided to proceed with our research to start a newspaper. It took us about six months to put our findings on the table. Worse than the vague Eritrean press law, the findings of our research were very discouraging.

There was only one printing house in the country that could print the volume of a newspaper. That printing house was owned by the government. The printing cost was very expensive. It cost Nakfa $1.25 to print a single copy of a newspaper with a print run of 3,000. There was only one distributor in the entire country, and his area of distribution was limited to Asmara. The circulation of the government-owned newspaper—Hadas Ertra—was only 10,000 while the population then was 3.5 million. Though this paper was sold for Nakfa $0.50, half of every printed issue returned unsold despite being distributed for free in most offices.

We were really anxious about the awkward position we would face in dealing with the government-owned printing house. We were concerned about the poor reading habits of our people. We were puzzled about why the printing cost was so high and wondered whether we could afford it. We were also disturbed by the poor distribution mechanisms in place. According to our projections, we wouldn’t make any profits until we hit at least the third anniversary of our paper. Nevertheless, we were determined to dive in and launched ourselves to start raising funds.

I shared the idea with my father. I explained to him with excitement and passion the detailed results of our research and the amount of money I needed to fulfill the dream I had of establishing a newspaper. My father was apprehensive. “First, this is not a profitable business, and second, it is a risky business,” he said. “This government is not ready to be criticized. You are young, and there are so many things you don’t know.” He pinpointed so many layers of obstacles that I hadn’t seen before or uncovered in our research. I had never debated with my father on any issue to that extent. I was frustrated because I ran out of convincing arguments. He didn’t want to encourage me and at the same time, he didn’t want to disappoint me. So he gave me a one-room office and a small amount of money to start with.

My friends were also not successful in raising adequate funds. So we decided to start small by opening our first office in Gejeret, Asmara. The application process was simple and straightforward. I applied for a permit from the Ministry of Information to publish a newspaper as an individual. We named our newspaper Setit after the only river in Eritrea, as we wanted our newspaper to flow like a river without interruption. We agreed to print 5,000 copies to reduce the unit price and sell

the newspaper for Nakfa $1.25 to cover our expenses. If we printed 3,000 copies, we would have to pay Nakfa $1.25 per copy. But if we printed 5,000 copies, each paper would cost Nakfa $1.00.

We printed our first bi-weekly issue on August 21st, 1997. That was the beginning of the first independent newspaper in Eritrea. We recruited shopkeepers and children who would like to work on commission in distributing the paper. Though we believed that the content of our paper was rich, entertaining, and informative, we were worried about whether we could sell the copies. The distribution mechanism we had in place was weak, and the price was high. Our distribution was limited only to Asmara, and our price was more than double that of Hadas Ertra.

It’s challenging to be a pioneer. You have no one to refer to. You are entirely on your own. So we had to test the waters ourselves, learn from our mistakes, and be ready for surprises—good or bad. It’s an emotional rollercoaster.

To our surprise, around 11:00 a.m., the children who took 50 copies each to sell on the streets started to come back one after the other with cash in their hands and asked for more copies to sell. The shopkeepers kept calling us to get more copies. The 5,000 copies that we expected to sell in two weeks were gone in just one day. It was the most delightful day.

We received several calls and letters of encouragement as well as complaints about the price. We accepted the comments and dropped our price to Nakfa $1.00 just on the next issue. Our circulation grew month after month as we expanded our distribution system to all major cities of Eritrea.

Two months later, another independent newspaper called Liela (Oct 10, 1997) started, then Tsigienay (November 19, 1997), Mestiat (Nov. 30, 1997), Wintana (March 1998), Kestedebena (Nov 24, 1998), Mekalih ( Dec 29, 1998), Keih-Bahri (Jan 30, 1999), Zemen (Feb 21, 1999), Asmara Lomi (March 21, 1999), Admas (May 1, 1999), Maebel (July 1, 1999), Adal (July 14, 1999), Selam (Sept 3, 1999), Timnit (Sept 3, 1999), and Millennium (Oct 6, 1999), respectively. The fledgling independent press was not a slow process; rather it exploded. At one point, there were eighteen private newspapers. The driving force behind this roll was the very positive reaction that came from the Eritrean public and their unexpectedly high demand. (This was mainly due to the down-to-earth nature of the independent newspapers. They reported timely issues that the government media was unwilling to cover). The cooperation between the independent press and its readership was a totally new and pleasant surprise for all. It was also the source of our growth. The frequency of our publication increased from printing twice a month to twice a week. Our circulation grew from 5,000 to 40,000 copies on every issue, and our staff grew from three to 12 people.

I remember every step of our way that led us to both success and destruction simultaneously while holding the Metro Newspaper in my hand. Unfortunately, Setit was banned on September 18, 2001, with the rest of the independent newspapers. Two of my colleagues and several innocent journalists from the other newspapers were thrown into jail. According to recently revealed documents, only five of the 12 journalists are alive in deteriorating health in the worst dungeons. Many others and I fled the country.

I live in Toronto now, but every day I travel in my thoughts to the past—my journey with Setit. I am optimistic that one day, Setit will start flowing again in Eritrea and flow just like the Eritrean Setit river.