In the turbulent domain of media organizations, ERISAT’s recent turmoil stands as a stark reminder of the delicate equilibrium between power, ethics, and integrity. Once envisioned as a bastion of thoughtful discourse, ERISAT has tragically descended into a maelstrom of internal discord and external manipulation under the leadership of CEO Henok Tekle and Board Chairwoman Saba Tesfayohannes (PhD).
Originally founded with aspirations of fostering critical thinking and engaging dialogue, ERISAT’s journey from 2020 to 2024 has been marred by a profound transformation into a conduit for political agendas, orchestrated by Henok Tekle. The organization, entrusted with the sacred duty of journalistic integrity, has been ensnared in a web of controversy, devoid of any semblance of editorial coherence.
Since 2020, ERISAT’s descent into chaos has been palpable. Legitimate concerns raised by impassioned volunteers about the organization’s trajectory swiftly escalated into a cycle of suppression and defamation. The board, in a bid to silence dissent, wielded their authority with impunity, disregarding accountability and transparency.
The intervention of external mediators from Yiakl in 2020 purportedly seeking resolution only exacerbated the crisis. Instead of fostering dialogue, these mediators colluded with the board, manipulating the situation to serve their ulterior motives. Their actions betrayed a sinister agenda aimed at subverting Eritrean values and perpetuating discord.
As ERISAT grappled with internal strife in 2024, its once-promising legacy hung precariously in the balance. The organization’s alignment with extremist elements and propagation of divisive rhetoric further eroded public trust and credibility. ERISAT’s role as a purveyor of thoughtful discourse faded into obscurity, replaced by a tarnished reputation and fractured identity.
Moreover, the moral bankruptcy of ERISAT was exposed by the reprehensible actions of former board members. In a shocking video from 2020, a board member suggested running over esteemed individuals like Dr. Bereket Habtesilasie with tanks, alongside mocking non-Tigrinya-speaking communities. Such behavior undermines respect and decency and highlights ERISAT’s descent into moral depravity.
The crisis at ERISAT extends beyond interpersonal dynamics, constituting a betrayal of trust and an affront to Eritrean values. As Eritrea navigates a shifting landscape, ERISAT’s turmoil serves as a reminder of the perils of unchecked power and compromised integrity. Vigilance and discernment are imperative as the nation charts a course towards a brighter future, free from manipulation and deceit.
In confronting the crisis at ERISAT, Eritrean media must reaffirm its commitment to accountability and transparency. Only then can the nation emerge stronger, united in pursuit of a prosperous and sovereign future, untainted by internal strife and external manipulation.
Recently Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia, during his consultation with representatives from the Tigray region of Ethiopia, stated that he established a committee to investigate if the Eritrean army is occupying land that belonged to Ethiopia beyond the Algiers agreement. If the committee finds Eritrea occupies land that belongs to Ethiopia beyond the Algiers agreement, he said he would work to solve the problem in consultation with the Eritrean government. The Eritrean government’s consistent policy is it does not want any land beyond what the Algiers agreement, through its Ethiopia and Eritrea boundary commission (EEBC), determined that it is Eritrean land. Here we see a consensus and common ground between Ethiopia and Eritrea to come to lasting peace. The next course of action is to allow cartography professionals from the two countries or the United Nations to determine the exact boundary line between the two countries based on the Global Positioning System (GPS) coordinates set by the Ethiopia and Eritrea boundary commission.
Such development is the third opportunity to establish long-lasting peace between the two countries. The first opportunity was lost when the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) led Ethiopian government refused to honor its commitment to accept the Ethio-Eritrea boundary commission’s final and binding verdict given on April 13, 2002. After rejecting the boundary commission’s decision, the TPLF created a no-war and no-peace situation between Ethiopia and Eritrea for 27 years. The second opportunity was opened when the new Ethiopian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, announced on June 5, 2018, that it fully accepted the terms of the Algiers Agreement and the subsequent verdict of the Boundary Commission without preconditions. However, the withdrawal of the Ethiopian Army from areas recognized as Eritrean and subsequent demarcation of the border once again was blocked by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Although people may say that the current Prime Minister Abiy’s speech is a continuation of the June 5, 2018, agreement, so many things happened in between, and I want to categorize it as a third opportunity to cement a lasting peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Why is such a development significant?
Peace in the Horn of Africa Prevails.
Where there is peace there is economic development and prosperity. The successive wars between Ethiopia and Eritrea impeded investment and created hunger war and destruction. In some regions of the world war is fought only once and soon after countries learn from their mistakes and work to create a conducive environment for peace. Unfortunately, this never happened in the Horn of Africa. The inclination to solve problems through the barrels of a gun has cost the people of the Horn dearly. Accordingly, it is time for the governments of the Horn of Africa and especially the Governments of Eritrea and Ethiopia to work hard to materialize peace in the region and give their people a respite from constant insecurity, war, and destruction. It is time to learn from European countries where borders are clearly demarcated but do not create any impediment to the people in the countries.
Enhances Economic Cooperation Between the Two countries.
The major problem between Eritrea and Ethiopia has been Ethiopian successive rulers’ persistent efforts to see Eritrea faulters. Instead of trying to advance economic, cultural, and political relationships between the two countries, Ethiopia’s ruling elite’s provocative and continuous open threats forced Eritrea to remain in stand-by mode for twenty-seven years. As a result, many have perished, hopes shattered, lives destroyed, and others left their countries for good. When Ethiopia abandons its antagonistic approach towards Eritrea for good a door for economic cooperation between the two countries opens. If Ethiopia respects Eritrean independence and stops its expansionist ambitions, there is no reason for Eritrea to close its boundaries and stay in a war footing. Trade between the two countries can start and Ethiopia could use Eritrean ports according to international norms at a reasonable price. Eritrea in turn can import electricity from Ethiopia which is currently hampering it economic development and social well-being. When there is prosperity in either country people in the other country can move to the other country easily and benefit from such development and prosperity.
Can create Political and policy Realignment.
When countries understand that their national interest can be fulfilled through common partnerships and cooperation it opens the opportunity for the countries to create political alignment. However, such a common bond can only be established when countries eliminate factors that could create mistrust and uneasiness about the other country’s intentions. On the Eritrean side, there is a long-held common consensus that Ethiopia’s long term intention is to abort Eritrean independence. Prime Minister Abiy’s unconditional acceptance of the Algiers agreement and its subsequent EEBC decision is key to minimizing Eritrea’s suspicion of Ethiopia’s negative intentions about Eritrea. When the Ethiopian Elites understand that Eritrea is an independent country with an independent political identity it would not be difficult for Eritrea to reciprocate. When differences in political approaches to issues of common interest arise, they can be resolved through discussion around the table rather than through the barrel of the gun. Ethiopia and Eritrea can advance their national interest by supporting each other rather than moving on separately.
Can help both countries to use their resources to fight hunger and poverty.
The Horn of Africa is the least developed region ravaged by successive wars and conflicts. When there is war and conflict, the governments divert their meager financial and human resources to it. This is truer in Ethiopia and Eritrea than any other countries in the region or beyond. If Eritrea and Ethiopia can divert their excessive military spending to fight hunger and poverty, the people in the Horn of Africa Region could be on their way to free themselves from aid and able to feed themselves at least twice a day, drink clean water, send their kids to school and get treated when they are sick. In short, the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea can become dignified human beings.
Conclusion.
The recent speech of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia regarding resolving the border issue with Eritrea peacefully is a sign of hope to the people of the two countries and the wider region at large. However, given the last two lost opportunities to establish a long-lasting peace between the two countries, cautious optimism is the right approach to it. To be on the positive side if Ethiopia and Eritrea demarcate their border once and for all there is not any other major reason for the two countries that will not be able to solve. This opens the door for the two countries to sit around the table and talk about other pending issues and open their countries for trade, investment, and other avenues for cooperation.
Since late 2022, there has been a rise in physical violence within the Eritrean community by a movement called Brigade n Hamedu. The movement’s self-proclaimed goal is to put an end to the leadership in Eritrea. However, what we have witnessed is the relentless ambushing of Eritrean community events, the arson of vehicles and property, and the stoning and physical assault of Eritreans within their respective communities. Regardless of our feelings towards the government, this is not the right approach to addressing the issues pertaining to the leadership in Eritrea.
The rise in physical violence against Eritrean communities has prompted further fragmentation within the Eritrean opposition. Some fierce critics of the government have joined the self-proclaimed “Blue Revolution,” while others have stood in solidarity with the affected communities. We have even seen some change their political views to align more with the government. This has led to the creation of 4G, also known as 4 Gimbar or the 4th front, which acts as a response to the Brigade Nhamedu group to shield the Eritrean community from further attacks. Brigade n’Hamedu is known to have pro TPLF and TDF sentiments, as there is mounting evidence of that.
Considering all this, we must think about how we arrived at this point and how we can work towards de-escalation and national reconciliation. Here are my thoughts on how Eritrean politics has reached its current state:
Name-Calling: Name-calling has been a significant issue in Eritrean politics. To challenge an individual’s idea is healthy, as it can create new ways of thinking. However, criticizing someone based on their political views has become all too frequent. For example, anyone bringing up internal issues in the country, such as the economy or political prisoners, is often labeled “Agames, Tigrayans, Traitors (K’deat), TPLF agents.” This dismisses Eritrean concerns and silences them, leading to frustration that can manifest in violence, or push them to an extremist group such as Brigade n’Hamedu. However, do not this misinterpret this as a defense to their actions. It’s not.
Disregard of National Security: Eritrea’s national security is paramount, especially given its hostile neighbor to the south and the tense geopolitical arena. However, parts of the opposition have been infiltrated or involved with Eritrea’s adversaries. This causes further fragmentation and suspicion among Eritreans. It is not a secret that despite Brigade N’Hamedu consists of disgruntled Eritreans, there have been infiltration by the opposition, with the leaders openly being in cahoots with the TPLF/TDF.
To de-escalate tensions, both the reasonable-minded Eritrean opposition and the government should work together to:
Unconditionally Release all Eritrean Political Prisoners: This demand has been made for over 20 years and, if fulfilled, can ease tension in the diaspora. From Bitweded to the G-15 to Ciham and Berhane Abrehe, all must be released or their families informed of their fate. The government has a moral obligation to do this.
Hold an Emergency Congress/National Assembly: Since 2002, the size of the Central Committee has dwindled, with the former members dying from sickness or old age, or being imprisoned (potentially died in prison), or currently in exile. There should be new blood in the committee and the National Assembly to decide on succession and institutional reforms.
Promote Unity over Division: The Eritrean diaspora should never be divided regardless of what one’s political or policy views may be. Unity can only thrive if there is a healthy space for debate and disagreement without reprimand.
The path to reconciliation and unity in Eritrea will be challenging, but it is imperative for the future of the country and its people. Both the government and the opposition must be willing to engage in meaningful dialogue, compromise on key issues, and prioritize the well-being of all Eritreans. By working together, we can overcome the divisions that have plagued our community and build a brighter, more united future for Eritrea.
In a poignant tribute to the plight of migrants, the verses of Tesfalidet Tesfom, known as Segen, an Eritrean migrant who tragically perished shortly after reaching Sicily in 2018, have found recognition in Italian literature and society, underscoring the profound human toll of migration.
Segen’s journey, marked by hardship and hope, resonates with the struggles of countless migrants seeking refuge in Europe. His poems, discovered in his wallet following his untimely death, articulate the challenges faced by migrants and their plea for solidarity. In a ceremony commemorating the sixth anniversary of Segen’s passing, a diverse assembly gathered at his grave in Modica’s cemetery to pay homage to his memory.
During the ceremony, Segen’s verses were recited, serving as a poignant reminder of the dangers encountered by migrants at sea. Against the backdrop of rising migrant fatalities in the Mediterranean, Segen’s poems carry a profound resonance, capturing the resilience and resolve of those embarking on perilous journeys in search of safety and opportunity.
The significance of Segen’s poetry extends beyond its literary merit, transcending borders to become a symbol of solidarity and empathy. Stefania Pagliazzo, a volunteer for Mediterranean NGOs, and Irene Cerruto of local Caritas, recited Segen’s verses, amplifying his message of brotherhood and compassion.
Father Giovanni Treglia, who officiated Segen’s funeral and now honors his memory, emphasizes the urgency of addressing the plight of migrants, stating, “In these verses, we can see the request for help from migrants who have arrived in Europe, what they endured in prisons, what they feel. It’s an unheard plea for assistance and simultaneously a message for those indifferent to migration.”
Segen’s poems are not merely literary artifacts but a testament to the resilience and humanity of migrants worldwide. As his verses resonate with audiences across Italy, they serve as a catalyst for dialogue and action, challenging societal indifference and fostering a culture of empathy and inclusion.
As Italy grapples with the complexities of migration, Segen’s legacy offers a powerful reminder of the shared humanity that unites us all, transcending borders and barriers in pursuit of a more compassionate and equitable world.
After the 1998 Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) declared naked aggression against Eritrea failed miserably, the TPLF, in partnership with certain Western governments, devised a strategy to deplete Eritrea of its youth and hinder its productive labor force. This sinister agenda was supported by continuous propaganda from Radio Woyane and Radio Wogahta, both owned and operated by the TPLF governing the Tigray region of Ethiopia. In his previous article titled, “The TPLF Militia Massacred 1300 Eritrean refugees,” the author has already described how many of the Eritrean refugees hosted in the Tigray camps were either killed by the TPLF militia, fled the camps, or were transferred to the new refugee camp in Alemwatch, located in Northern Gondar. When the war between the TPLF and the Ethiopian Federal government, supported by its allies, ended in a peace treaty signed in Pretoria, South Africa, on November 3rd, 2022, there were no Eritrean refugees left in Tigray. Now, a new human trafficking ring has emerged to fill the gap, and Tigray is on its way to becoming the Horn of Africa’s Human Trafficking hub. For convenience, the author will discuss the current human trafficking activities in the Tigray region of Ethiopia in terms of categories of victims than traffickers.
Unsuspecting Eritrean Refugees Crossing to Tigray
Refugee crossing from Eritrea to Tigray has decreased significantly. However, some Eritrean youngsters who are misled by the false propaganda that if they cross to Tigray, they could be resettled to other Western countries are still crossing from Eritrea to Tigray. When they cross from Eritrea to Tigray, they are first received by the TPLF’s military security agents who often operate close to the Eritrean border. The TPLF military security agents receive and lock the Eritrean refugees in abandoned vacant homes in villages close to the border and start calling the refugees’ relatives in Eritrea for ransom money. The families are requested to deposit a minimum of $5000 per person in a bank account in Addis Ababa or accounts located in banks in Dubai, in the United Arab Emirates. This shows the traffickers have a network that extends to countries outside of Ethiopia. After the money is deposited as instructed, if the refugee is lucky, he or she is transferred to the Tigrayan police. The Tigrayan police get their cut from the $5000 dollars paid to the military security agents, and they transport the refugees to a nearby city and transfer them to another group of human traffickers. The latter human traffickers’ job is to request additional money in exchange for moving the refugees from Tigray to Addis Ababa. Again, Eritrean refugees could be asked to pay any amount ranging from $4000 to $5000. In general, the Tigrayan institutional human traffickers can generate more than $10,000 from a single refugee. The abuse, rape, and even killing that go into the process of extracting money from the refugee families are part of the business.
Eritrean Cattle Herders and Kids Kidnapped from Border Villages
The Tigray Military security agents who operate close to the border with Eritrea also kidnap unsuspecting cattle herders and young kids from Eritrean villages adjacent to the border. The motive for such kidnapping is also ransom money. This group of Eritrean cattle herders and young kids is different from the first group described above because it is a victim of kidnapping. For the rest, the procedure followed to extract ransom money from families in Eritrea or in the diaspora is the same. After the requested ransom is paid, if lucky this group of trafficked persons is released to the respective villages. However, even after the ransom money is paid, it is common for the unlucky ones to get killed or disappear without a trace. The killing and disappearance of kidnapped Eritrean cattle herders and young kids are justified as revenge for the Eritrean military’s participation, in support of the Ethiopian federal army, in the 2020-2022 war ignited by the TPLF. Such blind hatred against innocent Eritrean cattle herders and kids is aimed at TPLF’s agenda of creating a conflict between communities that reside on both sides of the border.
Tigrayan Youth Fleeing Tigray
The human trafficking ring in the Tigray region of Ethiopia also traffics Tigrayan youth who would like to travel to Djibouti or Addis Ababa in illegal ways. Many Tigrayans who lost hope in Tigray are trekking to Djibouti. The ultimate destination of this group is Saudi Arabia. Again, this human trafficking route is controlled by the Tigray military security agents. For the Tigrayan youth who want to cross from Tigray to the Afar region of Ethiopia, it could cost them between $1000 to $2000. A similar amount is requested to cross from Tigray to the Amhara region. Some evidence indicates that the Tigray Military security human trafficking ring extends all the way to Kenya and Uganda.
Tigrayan Kids Kidnapped inside Tigray
Because the Tigrayan Military Security human trafficking ring operates in borders, the kidnapping of kids from well-to-do and middle-income families in Tigray for ransom is believed to be the work of gangs operating inside Tigray cities. However, it would be difficult to assume that the gangs are operating on their own. It is highly likely that the gangs are receiving protection from the Tigray military or people higher up in the echelons of power for a cut from the ransom money generated.
Conclusion
Human trafficking in Tigray is institutional, mainly driven by ransom money. Those who used to steal and sell food aid have now moved to the human trafficking business to fill their coffers. If the budding human trafficking ring in the Tigray region is not stopped as soon as possible, it could transition to arms and drug trafficking. It is foolish to think that the Tigray regional government, which brags to have a 270,000-size military army, could not control the human traffickers. Thus, we can only conclude that the officials in the regional government and its military wing are letting it happen because of the money it is generating from human trafficking activity. What they do not know is that sooner or later, the crossing of refugees from Eritrea to the Tigray region of Ethiopia will stop, and the traffickers will continue to traffic Tigrayans more than Eritreans. That is why the Tigray Regional Government needs to act now rather than later.
Victory to The Masses and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.
Introduction: My interest in Eritrean issues grew during my teenage years in 2018, coinciding with the peace agreement between Abiy Ahmed and Isaias Afwerki. While I was aware of the historical conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia, my understanding was limited. I became curious about the founding of the Eritrean government and our nation’s challenges.
My interest deepened as Berhane Abrehe, living on the other side of the world, announced the publication of his book and challenged President Isaias, leading to his arrest. I learned more about Berhane after his arrest and connected with his son, Efrem Berhane, during the COVID-19 pandemic.
This year, Efrem and his younger brother initiated the translation of their father’s two-part books into English to meet the demand among diaspora Eritreans. After reading the book, I am pleased to say that it not only enlightened me about Eritrea’s internal issues but also broadened my understanding of global dynamics.
Part 1: The author begins by discussing Eritrea’s strategic location and its historical context, including European conquests, Western imperialism, and neocolonialism in Africa. This sets the stage for understanding Eritrea’s anti-Western sentiment. While some may see this as PFDJ propaganda, I find it valuable in shaping a new-generation led Eritrea’s approach to foreign relations. However, the author’s inclusion of historical events like “Europeans invading New Zealand” or “Britain invades Oceania” seems unnecessary. The scramble for Africa’s colonization already illustrates how Africans should engage with foreign powers economically and politically.
Part 2 of “Hagerey Eritrea”: Part 2 provides insights into the author’s experiences as Eritrea’s Finance Minister, detailing his interactions with the President and the management of Eritrea’s institutions. This echoes Ambassador Andeberhan Woldegiorgis’ account in “Eritrea at Crossroads,” highlighting the President’s mishandling of fiscal and economic policies. The author advocates for a transitional government, ousting the President and suggesting replacements. However, given that the book was written in 2015 and published in 2018, some of the proposed replacements are deceased, disabled, or imprisoned. This underscores the urgency of discussing Eritrea’s future post-Isaias.
Conclusion:
While the book provides a comprehensive analysis of Eritrea’s past and present, its publication date raises concerns about its relevance to current events. The need for discussions on Eritrea’s future, especially post-Isaias, is more urgent than ever. A succession plan and national reconciliation are vital, considering the unjust imprisonment of Eritrean political prisoners. The Eritrean diaspora would serve as an auxiliary during Eritrea’s transitional period, but they will be crucial for nation-building. The diaspora is rich in educated individuals from various fields who will be needed to replenish the brain drain occurring in Eritrea as many people leave the country.
Book Rating: 10/10 – A must recommend for all Eritrean youth trying to understand Eritrea’s internal issues.
Anyone who comes across this revelation might think it is taken out of the movies. Surprisingly this is a true story that happened in Ethiopia’s Northern region called Tigray. To have a full genesis of the story the writer will try to present it in chronological order.
Before the Start of War.
During the year 2018, the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) that governed Ethiopia for twenty-seven years was pushed out of power and fled to the Northern Region of Ethiopia, Tigray. Soon after, tension between TPLF and the new Ethiopian federal government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was rising fast, and war was imminent. It was during this time that news started trickling from the Tigray region that TPLF was producing Eritrean Army Uniforms in its Textile factory in Adwa. The news was intriguing, to say the least. Many analysts suggested that TPLF may had a plan to infiltrate the Eritrean Army. Others contemplated that the TPLF might planned a terrorist activity that would implicate the Eritrean Army. However, the news took its course and slowly died down.
During the War.
On November 4th, 2020, the TPLF militia attacked a well-equipped federal army called the Northern Command stationed in Tigray and a war between the federal government and the TPLF started. At the same time using the long-range missiles it captured from the Northern Command, the TPLF started hurling more than a dozen missiles at the world heritage site capital city of Eritrea, Asmara. To neutralize the missiles the Eritrean Army joined the war in support of the Ethiopian Federal government. At the height of the war again news about soldiers in Eritrean Military uniforms killing people and raping women in Tigray started to dominate the media. It was clear that the news was planned and well-coordinated with big news outlets like Al Jazeera, CNN, and others. Again, those who knew the Eritrean Army rejected the news out rightly. They argued that the Eritrean Army was very disciplined and highly controlled, and it was near impossible for its members to commit rape and kill innocents. However, one event that happened in Tambien which is sixty-three miles away from the capital city of Tigray, Mekelle, exposed the narrative that the Eritrean Army was engaged in the rape and killing of Civilians. A young girl named Monalisa Abraha was hit by a bullet and brought to a hospital in the capital city of Tigray, Mekelle, for treatment. Aljazeera correspondent in Mekelle disseminated a piece of false news that Monalisa was hit by a bullet during a struggle with an Eritrean soldier who was trying to rape her. It did not take long for such news to become a staple in the Western media. Surprisingly when Monalisa was interviewed in person she explained that she was saved from death by Eritrean soldiers because they arranged transportation for her to be taken for treatment to Mekelle. She became a firsthand witness that she was not wounded by the Eritreans. Also, older Tigrayan gentlemen witnessed that he was beaten and thrown on a road connecting Shire and Maitsebri and Eritrean soldiers picked, fed, and transported him to a hospital in Shire. Many other Tigrayans expressed thanks to the Eritrean army for its discipline and care for civilians. Accordingly, many people suspected an organized blackmailing campaign against the Eritrean army was going on.
After the War.
After sustaining a crushing defeat, the TPLF was forced to sign a surrender agreement with the Ethiopian government on November 3rd, 2022. Now the Mystery of TPLF’s Production of Eritrean Military Uniforms is out in the open. Many Tigrayan Media Personalities are reporting that TPLF’s Special Force in Eritrean Army Uniforms killed significant number of Tigrayan youth in different parts of Tigray. The story goes like this. The TPLF asked the youth to conscript to the TPLF army which was fighting the Ethiopian Federal Army and its allies. Then the TPLF keeps a record of the youth who refused to do so. At night it sends a killing squad in Eritrean Army uniform to eliminate those who refused to conscript. After the killed youth’s well attended burial ceremony was completed, the TPLF called a meeting and told the youth that had their colleagues conscripted they would have not been killed by the Eritrean Army. So, to be safe everyone needed to be conscripted. By committing such a heinous crime against its people, the TPLF achieved two objectives. First, it implicated the Eritrean Army in killing Tigrayan youth, and second it was able to get human power to feed its war machine.
Conclusion
The story of the TPLF Special force in Eritrean Army Uniform killing Tigrayan youth for Military and propaganda benefits is clear evidence of how nasty war and politics could be in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia. The TPLF governed Ethiopia for twenty-seven years and had ample exposure to techniques of media manipulation and falsely implicating others. For example, in 2006 WikiLeaks exposed that the TPLF planted a bomb in a minibus in Addis Ababa, close to the African Union headquarters, and implicated the Oromo Liberation Front and neighboring Eritrea in attempting to blow the African leaders who were in a meeting in Addis Ababa. Similarly, when President Obama visited Ethiopia the TPLF fabricated false news that a terrorist group from Somalia was planning to target the President and his entourage. After cordoning the president in his room for some time the TPLF gave a clear sign, and it was praised for its commitment to protect the president. This is why every news and claims that come from TPLF’s Stronghold Tigray should be received with a grain of Salt. Because what you think is true may turn out to be false and sinister.
Victory to the Masses and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.
In a groundbreaking excavation effort at the Adulis archaeological site, ceramic artifacts dating back to as early as 1500 BC and spanning up to 500 BC have been unearthed, marking a significant milestone in the understanding of ancient civilizations in the Horn of Africa and the Southern Red Sea region.
Led by Dr. Tsegay Medin, the coordinator of the Adulis Archaeological project, the discovery has been hailed as a pivotal moment in bridging historical periods from the 1st to the 7th decades. Dr. Medin emphasized the importance of the find, citing its potential to enrich the history of both the country and the wider region through meticulous research and analysis.
Notably, Prof. Serena Massa, an Italian archaeologist and integral member of the project, highlighted Adulis as a unique ancient town in Sub-Saharan Africa, distinguished by its stone construction. She suggested that the uncovering of ancient manuscripts and monuments could serve as vital links between the Adulis civilization and that of Punt Land, potentially igniting a new phase of excavation and scholarly inquiry.
Dr. Abraham Zere, another esteemed archaeologist involved in the project, expressed his optimism regarding the newfound artifacts. He emphasized that the discovery would contribute significantly to unraveling the mysteries of ancient civilizations in the Horn of Africa and the Southern Red Sea region, offering unprecedented insights into their cultural, social, and economic dynamics.
The Adulis project, which commenced in 2011 through a collaborative effort between Eritrean and Italian experts, has facilitated the exchange of experiences and expertise in the field of archaeology. This collaboration has been instrumental in driving forward the excavation efforts and uncovering invaluable treasures that promise to redefine our understanding of ancient civilizations in the region.
As the excavation at Adulis continues to unveil its secrets, scholars and historians eagerly anticipate the revelations that these ancient relics hold, hopeful that they will shed new light on the rich tapestry of human history in the Horn of Africa and beyond.
Recently, everyone has noticed that the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) leaders are longing for the immediate implementation of the Pretoria Agreement they signed with the Ethiopian Federal Government. On the contrary, the TPLF would never utter a word about the Algiers Agreement that it signed twenty-two years ago and blocked its implementation to this date. In fact, it often dares to request that, in line with the Pretoria Agreement, the Eritrean Army should remove itself from land that the Algiers Agreement and the internationally recognized Court of Justice based in The Hague, the Netherlands, determined as Eritrean. Such deceitful, dishonest, and contradictory behavior of the TPLF is a prime example of why lasting peace in the Horn of Africa has remained elusive. Looking at its history, only a fool can expect the TPLF to be on the right side of the law. Below, we describe the Algiers and Pretoria agreements to the readers and expose the double standard of the TPLF.
The Algiers Agreement
The Algiers Agreement was a peace agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia, signed in December 2000 to formally end the border war that started in May 1998. The signing ceremony was attended by top officials from the United States, the European Union, the United Nations, and the African Union. The agreement created a boundary commission to demarcate the border and a claims commission to assess the damages caused by the war.
After hearing the arguments of the Ethiopian and Eritrean representatives, the Boundary Commission gave its final and binding verdict on April 13, 2002. Initially, Ethiopia claimed it got what it wanted and warned Eritrea to accept the ruling. However, Ethiopia later backtracked and rejected the binding and final boundary ruling. The late Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, called the Boundary Commission’s decision unjust and an illegal ruling. Despite repeated warnings from the Boundary Commission, the late Prime Minister continued to resettle Tigrayans in Sovereign Eritrean Territories, and the demarcation of the border was blocked by Ethiopia. Tired of Ethiopia’s continuous obstructions of its work to put pillars on the ground, the Boundary Commission virtually demarcated the border and ended its mission. Consequently, a no-war, no-peace situation persisted between the two countries for 20 years.
In May 2018, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which held power in Ethiopia for 27 years, was pressured by the Amhara and Oromo youth revolt to leave power and return to Tigray. The Ethiopian government, under the leadership of the new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, announced on June 5, 2018, that it fully accepted the terms of the Algiers Agreement and the subsequent verdict of the Boundary Commission. However, the withdrawal of the Ethiopian Army from areas recognized as Eritrean and subsequent demarcation of the border were again blocked by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.
The Pretoria Agreement
A culmination of two years of political tensions between the TPLF and the Ethiopian Federal Government, on November 3–4, 2020, forces loyal to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) launched attacks on the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) Northern Command headquarters in Mekelle and bases in Adigrat, Agula, Dansha, and Sero in the Tigray Region, marking the beginning of the Tigray War. Also, the TPLF launched more than a dozen missile attacks on the world heritage site capital city of Eritrea, Asmara. The actions of the TPLF created a clear threat to the national security and sovereignty of Eritrea, and Eritrea supported the Federal Army in three rounds of its wars with the TPLF Army.
Following the devastating defeat that the TPLF sustained in the third round of the offensive launched by the Ethiopian Federal Army, supported by Eritrea, the TPLF and the Ethiopian Federal Government signed a peace agreement in Pretoria, South Africa. In the peace treaty between the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) that was signed on November 2, 2022, the parties agreed to cease hostilities and resolve their differences peacefully. Accordingly, the Eritrean Army withdrew from Tigray to the boundary line delimited and virtually demarcated by the Ethiopia and Eritrea Boundary Commission. Eritrea was not a party to the Pretoria agreement.
Algiers or Pretoria Agreement comes First?
Currently, it is not new, in every meeting, to hear TPLF leaders apologizing to their people that they learned from their mistakes and would get things right. Do they know that their cardinal mistake was to reject the final and binding Ethio-Eritrea boundary decision? If they do not correct such a big mistake, their claim that they learned from their mistake exposes their hypocrisy and dishonesty, to say the least. In fact, they have already reverted to the old worn-out tactic of antagonizing the Tigray people with their neighbors and forcing them to harbor a siege mentality. If the Tigray people keep following the TPLF’s destructive propaganda, it would be difficult for them to get themselves out of the current predicament. Suppressing an internationally recognized agreement can only help to prolong the war, destruction, and suffering. Given the 20 years of no war, no peace period and the last two years of war and destruction, the TPLF should have spoken loudly about the Algiers agreement that they held hostage for 22 years first. But the TPLF leaders are not normal people. If they were normal, they wouldn’t have ignited and continued war against forces that were well-equipped, experienced, and more in number that resulted in the loss of over a million young souls. For the TPLF, peace is a zero-sum game. Legal agreements and binding signatures are to be honored only if they fulfill the interests of the TPLF. Perhaps the greatest TPLF’s hallucination is its desire to see Eritrea withdraw from the land that the final and binding Algiers Agreement rightfully delineated well inside Eritrea. According to TPLF’s mindset, if its warning is not heeded, the Tigray people should be agitated using the false propaganda of Eritrean occupation of Tigray’s land, and war should continue in one form or another. The burning question is, can the Tigray people afford another war? Do they need to fight with Eritrea over a boundary that has been delineated and virtually demarcated twenty-two years ago? These questions are timely and every Tigrayan must answer.
Conclusion
In previous successive meetings that were held during the first half of the year 2018 in Tigray, it was common to see Tigrayan elders demanding that the TPLF accept the Eritrea and Ethiopia border decision and move on to demarcation. TPLF never listened to those wise elders. Currently, some media personalities are echoing the words of these elders. Will TPLF listen to those emerging voices or continue its saber-rattling and ignite another war? Time will tell us.
Victory to the Masses and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.
In a televised address to Ethiopian lawmakers released on October 13, 2023, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed lectured his parliament about his country’s right to own a port and its corridor to the sea. The speech shocked many who believed the Horn of Africa Region was transitioning from a state of war, hunger, and destruction to one of peace and stability. Many sensed the dangerous nature of the speech as he claimed land belonging to sovereign neighboring countries. Since then, Ethiopian television, radio, and selected social media agents have been incessantly repeating the words of the Prime Minister. Additionally, Ethiopian government ministers have been posting provocative messages and pictures that undermine the sovereignty and territorial integrity of neighboring countries.
Parallels to the Ethiopian Federal government’s provocative propaganda activities against neighboring countries, including Eritrea, officials, and the so-called elite of the Tigray Region of Ethiopia, have also been sending shock waves regarding their misguided claims against Eritrea. Regardless of the barrage of unsubstantiated claims and, in some cases, outright insults, the Eritrean government responded with a statement of less than five lines. The important message in the statement was “Don’t be Provoked.” The message indicates that the objective of the Ethiopian Federal Government and the Tigrayan Elites is to provoke Eritreans. The question is, why do they need to provoke Eritreans? Here are some observations.
It is a Diversion tactic. The Ethiopian government is facing internal conflict, financial crunch, and political isolation. To the contrary, Eritrea has remained stable and is scoring diplomatic success. Historically, Ethiopian elites did not want to hear anything positive about Eritrea. Do you remember when the TPLF complained to the German Government because the German Orchestra participated in the 2015 Eritrean Independence celebration held in Asmara? That was a simple but very important incident that showed Ethiopian rulers’ bad intentions towards Eritrea. Ethiopian rulers always see Eritrea as a regional competitor, and they will do anything that will make Eritrea falter. Currently, the Ethiopian Federal Government is trying to show to the outside world that the whole region, including Eritrea, is in a quagmire and Ethiopia is no different. The Ethiopian government does not have any interest in using the Assab port according to international norms. It simply will continue putting claims on the Red Sea and provoking Eritreans until it thinks the right time has come to invade Eritrea. Till then, it is only propaganda. God knows when the right time for the Ethiopian government to invade Eritrea will be and what happens in between.
It is an Effort to Create Unity. Successive Ethiopian governments have been using Eritrea as a scapegoat for their repetitive colossal mistakes. After dismantling the United Nations-forced Federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia on September 11, 1952, Haile Selassie tried to label the Eritrean Liberation Fighters as Muslims opposing Christianity. Similarly, Mengistu Hailemariam called them Arab mercenaries. The Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), created and supported by the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), labeled Eritrea as a terrorist state and conspired with its Western handlers to impose successive sanctions on Eritrea. Now, the Abiy Ahmed government, saved from complete demise by the TPLF, fell into that trap and introduced the agenda of owning a port and its corridor to the sea to repair the fractured Ethiopian unity. Fortunately, the attempt to turn Ethiopians against Eritrea failed miserably because Ethiopians have witnessed the good intentions and neighborliness of the Eritrean people towards Ethiopia. To the ordinary Ethiopian, Eritrea and Eritreans are friends in need of Ethiopia, and such a claim has been confirmed by none other than Abiy Ahmed himself not long ago.
It is a Grief Coping Mechanism. Currently, the Tigrayan officials and Elites are in grief mode. Grief has five stages: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. What the Tigrayans expected was completely different from what they had gotten. They planned to return to power in Addis Ababa and overthrow the Eritrean Government in Asmara. When the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front’s (TPLF) ragtag army was severely beaten, defeated, and its commanders traveled to South Africa to sign the Pretoria Surrender Agreement, they were in a denial stage. Then the anger came. They recruited diaspora Tigrayan avengers and started attacking peaceful Eritrean diaspora women and children. The level and intensity of anger were in the open for everyone to see. They made Eritrea responsible for their downfall and were ready to avenge anything that was Eritrean. Now they are in the bargaining and depression stages. The Tigray regional interim government is talking to the Federal government. They are bargaining on money, territories, and the status of the TPLF as a political party. As a sign of depression, many Tigrayan youth are voting with their feet to other parts of Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia. Obviously, acceptance of reality will follow. Until then, we will continue to hear constant outbursts against Eritrea and Eritreans.
It is an Attention-Seeking Mechanism. In the time of social media, there are important concepts called viral marketing and buzz marketing. These concepts are effective in attracting customer attention and thereby increasing sales. Accordingly, Ethiopian elites will continue provoking Eritreans as an attention-seeking mechanism. You will never see any meeting in Tigray or Ethiopia at large where the name Eritrea would not be mentioned. When they mention Eritrea, a debate ensues automatically, giving them the attention they need. Again, until they find other catchphrases, they will continue to use ‘Red Sea,’ Tigray Tigrinie, Agazian, Eritrean nationalism, Eritrean occupation of Tigray Territories, etc., non-stop. Repeating their 2002 cardinal mistake, except for a few courageous individuals, they will not mention the Algiers Agreement and the Ethiopia and Eritrea boundary decision. Because in their minds, they are preparing for another round of war against Eritrea. As the TPLF Patriarch Sebhat Naga recently put it, the Pretoria Peace Agreement is a tactic to buy time to prepare for another war. He clearly indicated that the next impending war to overthrow the Abiy Ahmed Government from power would be a lot easier than TPLF’s previous failed attempt because Sebhat Naga thinks Abiy has lost critical support from the Amharas and Eritrea. On another observation, former Ethiopian Defense Minister, Siye Abraha, currently exiled in the United States, gave unsolicited advice to Abiy Ahmed that if he was going to attack Eritrea, he should do it through Badme because attacking through Assab would be considered aggression. Do you remember how the TPLF’s invasion of Eritrea started and ended in 1998? It is confirmation that Siye and his TPLF colleagues used Badme as a pretext to occupy Assab. Fortunately, they were roasted by the Eritrean Army in the Assab Front and forced to sign the Algiers Agreement.
Conclusion
. All Eritreans need to understand that neither the provocative activities of the Ethiopian Federal Government nor the outbursts of the Tigrayans are random. They are carefully choreographed, coordinated, and planned. When a federal government minister utters provocative words against Eritrea, you need to understand that he/she is ordered from above to do that. When a so-called Tigrayan Elite speaks something bad about Eritrea in a meeting, that person is assigned to do that as well. When a media personality or YouTuber throws ugly words about Eritrea, he/she is trying to increase awareness in his/her media and earn YouTube money. So, until they understand that their destructive activities will not lead them anywhere and that working for peaceful neighborhoods is the way to go, Eritreans should not be provoked at all. If we do, we will simply be falling victim to their sinister agendas.
Victory to the Masses and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.
