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China’s Economic Role in Africa Sparks Crisis Amid Debt and Resource Concerns

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From September 4-6, 2024, African leaders gathered in Beijing for an annual summit with the aim of addressing the continent’s growing debt crisis and discussing China’s expanding role in Africa. African leaders, including 20 heads of state, attended the summit, with countries like Angola, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Zambia, all heavily indebted to China, looking for financial relief. However, while Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged $51 billion in new investments and the creation of a million jobs over the next three years, the absence of debt relief left many African nations without a clear path out of their financial struggles.

Xi described the China-Africa relationship as “the best in history,” but criticisms about China’s methods have intensified. Allegations of China engaging in “debt trap diplomacy,” where loans to economically vulnerable nations are used to secure control over key assets, have gained traction. Concerns about exploitation, resource control, and human rights abuses, particularly in mining sectors such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), have become central to the crisis ignited by critical voices like Voice of America (VOA).

The Reality of Resource Exploitation and Human Rights Violations

One of the most contentious aspects of China’s involvement in Africa is the mining sector, particularly in the DRC. Chinese-owned companies dominate cobalt extraction, a key mineral used in the production of smartphones, electric vehicles, and other high-tech industries. Reports of child labor and human rights abuses in Chinese-controlled cobalt mines have been widely documented. According to a 2023 U.S. Department of Labor report, the DRC’s mining industry continues to practice some of the worst forms of child labor, with children as young as six working in hazardous conditions to extract cobalt.

Chinese businesses like CMOC Group, Jinchuan Group, and Wanbao Mining, which hold major stakes in DRC’s cobalt and copper mines, have been implicated in these labor abuses. Beyond labor exploitation, there are allegations that Chinese-funded companies have fueled corruption and funded insurgencies to secure their operations in Africa. A 2020 investigation by the U.S. Environmental Investigation Agency revealed that China’s illegal logging activities in Mozambique helped fund violent insurgencies and facilitated money laundering.

While these practices deserve global condemnation, the broader issue is the systemic exploitation of Africa’s resources by external powers. The crisis stoked by VOA and other Western outlets often frames China as the sole villain, but Western corporations have also long engaged in exploitative practices across Africa. The cobalt mines, now largely under Chinese control, were once dominated by Western companies, who are still deeply involved in the DRC’s extractive industries. This raises the question: are the Western criticisms about China’s role in Africa driven by genuine concern for African welfare or merely a geopolitical competition for access to Africa’s wealth?

Mr. Fikrejesus Amahazion’s Role and Western Targeting

Amid this crisis, VOA published a piece targeting Fikrejesus Amahazion, an Eritrean educator and research analyst, accusing him of downplaying the predatory nature of China’s involvement in Africa. Amahazion, who works at the Eritrean Center for Strategic Studies, has been an outspoken defender of China’s role, emphasizing the benefits of Chinese investment in infrastructure and job creation. In an interview with “China Says”, a Chinese state-affiliated media outlet, Amahazion argued that much of the criticism of China’s engagement with Africa stems from Western geopolitical interests rather than a genuine concern for African development.

VOA’s criticism of Amahazion—characterizing him as an apologist for China—can be seen as part of a larger effort to discredit pro-China voices in Africa, particularly those from countries like Eritrea. Both Eritrea and China are under Western sanctions, and Eritrea’s strained relations with the West have pushed it closer to Beijing. For countries like Eritrea, aligning with China offers an alternative to the West’s historical dominance and its paternalistic approach to African development.

Amahazion’s involvement in this crisis reflects Eritrea’s broader geopolitical stance. Eritrea, having been isolated by the West, has found an ally in China, whose investments help fill the gaps left by Western sanctions. The criticism of Amahazion, therefore, must be seen in the context of the Western desire to counter China’s growing influence in Africa and to discredit African voices that challenge the Western narrative.

Africa at a Crossroads: Internal Progress or External Dependence?

The real issue facing Africa, however, goes beyond the China-West rivalry. Africa, with a population whose average age is just 19, is at a crossroads. The continent must decide whether to continue seeking solutions from global superpowers, or to chart its own course, focusing on internal peace, stability, and development. Africa’s young population is a powerful asset, but it also represents a massive challenge. Political instability, economic inequality, and external exploitation continue to hinder Africa’s ability to tap into its vast potential.

The legacy of colonialism has left Africa with deep scars—economic dependency, arbitrary borders, and weakened institutions. However, Africa’s future must not be shaped by external powers with competing interests. Whether it is China’s “debt trap diplomacy” or the West’s legacy of resource plundering, both China and the West have proven willing to exploit Africa’s vulnerabilities for their own benefit.

For African nations to secure a prosperous future, they must focus on internal reforms, building transparent institutions, and fostering unity. The path forward cannot lie in the arms of powers like China or the West, both of whom are primarily driven by their own strategic interests. Instead, African nations need to prioritize their own development agendas—addressing poverty, education, and economic diversification—and pursue partnerships that truly align with their national interests.

The Wake-Up Call for Africa

As Africa confronts these external pressures, the continent must wake up to its internal challenges. There is a clear need for a united and strategic approach to development, one that does not rely solely on external loans and investments that come with heavy strings attached. The young population of Africa must be empowered with education, skills, and opportunities that can fuel homegrown solutions to its problems, rather than looking for refuge under the jaws of global superpowers.

While external partnerships can be beneficial, Africa must be wary of falling into another cycle of dependency. Both China and the West are vying for control of Africa’s natural resources, and neither can claim the moral high ground. The real concern is not whether Africa aligns with China or the West, but whether African nations can build the capacity to assert their own terms in these partnerships. Only by focusing on internal peace and progress can Africa truly break free from the legacies of colonialism and the predatory ambitions of global powers.

In the face of this global rivalry, Africa must prioritize its own sovereignty, development, and the well-being of its people. The future of the continent lies not in the hands of China or the West, but in the hands of its own leaders and citizens. African nations must seize this moment to chart their own course, ensuring that the continent’s vast resources are used to build a prosperous future for its young, dynamic population.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "China’s Economic Role in Africa Sparks Crisis Amid Debt and Resource Concerns", are those of SETIT and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "China’s Economic Role in Africa Sparks Crisis Amid Debt and Resource Concerns", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ SETIT እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

Eritrean Minister Warns of Disinformation Campaign Amid Regional Diplomatic Strains

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On Tuesday September 10, 2024, Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel issued a sharp critique on X (formerly Twitter), accusing foreign lobbyists of fueling disinformation campaigns aimed at destabilizing the Horn of Africa. Minister Yemane described a “motley League of hired/corrupt lobbyists” as distorting historical facts, international law, and the current political landscape to provoke instability for financial gain.

While he did not provide specific evidence to substantiate these claims, Minister Yemane likened these lobbyists to “jackals” whose opportunistic interference would ignite tensions but fade once the damage was done. He also condemned local political forces in the region, calling them “myopic” for aligning with external actors in pursuit of narrow, self-serving agendas that jeopardize peace and stability.

Although Minister Yemane refrained from mentioning specific countries or incidents, analysts suggest his remarks may be directed toward the escalating diplomatic rift between Ethiopia and Somalia. Ethiopia’s recent attempts to secure a sea outlet by negotiating with a breakaway region of Somalia have sparked significant tensions. The move, which violates Somalia’s sovereignty, has deepened the geopolitical crisis, raising concerns about Ethiopia’s broader ambitions in the region. Eritrea, with its long history of advocating for regional stability and territorial integrity, likely views Ethiopia’s actions as a potential threat to its own strategic interests and those of the wider region.

In a previous post, Minister Yemane warned against crossing “perilous red lines” with respect to Eritrea’s sovereignty, a statement widely interpreted as a signal to neighboring countries and foreign powers. His recent comments reinforce his stance that foreign meddling, especially in the form of external “saviours,” will not provide a solution to the Horn of Africa’s enduring problems.

Although the minister’s posts convey a sense of urgency and frustration, they remain vague in details and evidence. Nonetheless, his warnings highlight the intricate and delicate power dynamics at play in the Horn of Africa, where both foreign and domestic actors are seen as potential disruptors of the region’s fragile stability.

Eritrea Hosts Dialogue on Justice, Development, and Geopolitics of the Horn of Africa

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The Ministry of Justice of the State of Eritrea is currently hosting a three-day dialogue titled “Justice, Development, and Geopolitics of the Horn” from September 4th to 6th, 2024. This event builds upon an earlier discussion held in April 2024, which focused on the role of Eritrean values in shaping the country’s sustainable development process.

The ongoing dialogue aims to examine the broader geopolitical landscape of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Basin, and the Red Sea region, as well as the global power dynamics that influence these areas. Discussions are centered on the challenges and opportunities these geopolitical factors present for Eritrea’s nation-building and development efforts.

A key focus of the event is the interrelation between global and regional geopolitics, particularly in the context of African development and regional integration. The dialogue seeks to address how shifting global power structures are impacting the African continent, and how countries within the region can navigate these changes while fostering cross-border cooperation.

Participants are exploring the evolution of regional collaboration efforts, analyzing opportunities and challenges in initiatives that span the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea region, and the Nile Basin. The dialogue also aims to reconsider development frameworks in Africa, ensuring that strategies are better aligned with the continent’s diverse social, cultural, and economic realities.

The event is serving as a platform for sharing experiences and best practices, with the goal of fostering a common understanding of the synergies that underpin regional development processes. Insights and recommendations from the discussions are expected to guide future efforts toward sustainable development and regional integration across Africa.

Ethiopia’s Dangerous Power Play Could Derail the Horn of Africa’s Last Hope for Peace

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As Ethiopia sounds the alarm over the transition from the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) to a new peace support mission, the real question is whether this change could finally offer the Horn of Africa a shot at lasting peace. Ethiopia’s concerns are understandable, given its fraught history with Somalia and the complex regional dynamics at play, but there’s a strong case to be made that this transition could be exactly what the region needs.

Ethiopia’s apprehensions are deeply rooted in a history that cannot be ignored. In 2006, Ethiopian forces marched into Somalia, aiming to oust the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and install the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). The invasion was intended to stabilize Somalia but ended up fueling a prolonged insurgency led by al-Shabaab, a militant group that capitalized on widespread resentment toward Ethiopia. The conflict not only deepened Somalia’s instability but also created ripple effects across the region, leading to humanitarian crises and sustained insecurity.

Moreover, it is worth mentioning that Ethiopia’s 2006 invasion of Somalia, despite its claims of helping to stabilize the country, was highly questionable—not just because the outcome contradicted those claims, but because the invasion itself violated international law. International law prohibits the invasion of sovereign countries, and the United Nations had imposed an arms embargo on Somalia, which Ethiopia’s actions flagrantly disregarded. The invasion was not merely a misguided attempt at regional stabilization; it was also motivated by Ethiopia’s internal political struggles. At the time, Ethiopia was reeling from the fallout of the 2005 elections, which were marred by allegations of fraud and subsequent political unrest. The invasion of Somalia served as a convenient diversion from these domestic issues, redirecting both local and international attention.

The subsequent establishment of AMISOM, later renamed ATMIS, was a direct response to the chaos that followed. While ATMIS has made some headway, it has also faced significant challenges. The mission’s inability to fully stabilize Somalia has been a point of contention, not just for Ethiopia but for the entire region. Now, as ATMIS prepares to step aside for a new peace support mission, Ethiopia fears that the region is being led into “uncharted waters.”

But perhaps it is precisely these uncharted waters that offer the most promise. The new mission, backed by both the African Union and the United Nations, is an opportunity to rethink strategies, build stronger alliances, and tackle the deep-seated issues that have plagued Somalia for decades. Fresh perspectives and innovative approaches could break the cycle of violence that has trapped the region in a seemingly endless loop of conflict.

However, it’s impossible to discuss the current crisis in Somalia without addressing Ethiopia’s recent moves to secure a sea outlet through agreements with a breakaway region of Somalia. This pursuit, driven by Ethiopia’s strategic interests, violates Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and has significantly exacerbated the complexity of the situation. Ethiopia’s actions have not only added to Somalia’s internal challenges but have also created new tensions across the Horn of Africa, complicating efforts to stabilize the region.

Critics might argue that Ethiopia’s concerns about the new mission are less about regional stability and more about safeguarding its own geopolitical ambitions. There’s truth in this observation. Ethiopia has long been a dominant player in the region, and the transition could signal a shift in the balance of power. But rather than resisting this change, Ethiopia could seize the moment to reinforce its role as a leader in peace-building. Embracing the transition could allow Ethiopia to shape the new mission in ways that serve both its interests and those of the wider region.

The new mission also opens the door to deeper diplomatic engagement. For too long, the approach to Somalia has been heavily militarized, with little emphasis on the political and social reconciliation necessary for sustainable peace. By focusing on dialogue and rebuilding trust among conflicting parties, the new mission could achieve what ATMIS struggled to do: create the conditions for lasting stability.

But for this to happen, Ethiopia and other regional players must be willing to set aside short-term gains and territorial ambitions in favor of a collective approach that prioritizes peace and stability. The international community, led by the AU and UN, is ready to support this effort. Still, the success of the mission depends heavily on the cooperation and goodwill of Somalia’s neighbors.

In the end, the transition from ATMIS might just be the fresh start the region needs. But it will only succeed if all parties, including Ethiopia, commit to a future where regional stability takes precedence over individual interests. The stakes are high, and the region’s leaders must recognize that the potential benefits of this transition could far outweigh the risks—if they are willing to embrace a more cooperative and peaceful future.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "Ethiopia’s Dangerous Power Play Could Derail the Horn of Africa’s Last Hope for Peace", are those of SETIT and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "Ethiopia’s Dangerous Power Play Could Derail the Horn of Africa’s Last Hope for Peace", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ SETIT እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

A Tribute to Berhane Abrehe

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As I begin writing this article on September 2nd, 2024, it marks a week since Berhane Abrehe passed away at Asmara Air Force Hospital, following a stroke he suffered in prison – an event that ultimately claimed his life. When I heard the news, I was saddened but not entirely surprised. Berhane’s health has been deteriorating for years, even during his tenure as a Finance Minister. Denying him access to medical treatment abroad while keeping him in prison was essentially a death sentence, and of course a gross violation of human rights.

Berhane Abrehe was the catalyst for my deeper engagement with Eritrean politics. I vividly remember being on a family vacation in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, when I first heard his announcement about the publication of his book.

Before learning about the former finance minister, my understanding of Eritrean politics was naive and superficial. However, when Berhane announced the release of his two part books (Hagerey Eritrea 1 & 2), which was highly critical of the Eritrean government, I was both curious and taken aback. Despite my limited knowledge on Eritrean politics at the time, I knew enough to realize that making such a bold statement could easily lead to imprisonment.

It wasn’t until two years later that I connected with Berhane Abrehe’s son, Efrem, online. We set up a Zoom call, during which I learned more about his family, his father’s cause, and Efrem’s efforts to continue his father’s struggle. Efrem is very much a reflection of his father – he speaks softly, remains calm, and is direct when discussing topics concerning the issues in Eritrea, never beating around the bush. Like his father, he is a man with principles and values.

Two years after that call, Efrem informed be that preparations were underway to translate Berhane Abrehe’s book “Hagerey Eritrea” into English – a translation that is now available on Amazon. Since I couldn’t read Tigrinya, this was my chance to finally understand Berhane’s thoughts and perspectives.

From reading the book, my observation was that Berhane Abrehe’s “Hagerey Eritrea” offers a deep analysis of Eritrea’s history, politics, and its strategic position, shedding light on the nation’s anti-Western sentiment and the challenges it faces. The book provided valuable insights into shaping Eritrea’s foreign relations. In the second part, Berhane elaborates his experience as a Finance Minister, highlighting the mismanagement under President Isaias and the need for a transitional government. This book was the third (and more recent one) that allowed me to learn about the inter-party/government dissent.

Berhane knew the risks he was taking, yet he chose to proceed and ultimately paid with his life. When news of his passing spread, condolences poured in not only from the opposition, but from also people that support the government! Surprisingly, the veteran-turned-finance minister was buried in full military honors-a gesture that highlights the peculiar nature of Eritrean politics.

Regardless of the intent behind his burial at the Asmara Patriots Cemetery with military honors, Berhane truly deserved it. From organizing the Eritrean revolution in Addis Ababa University and within the diaspora in the United States, to returning to the motherland to dedicate his life to the struggle, Berhane was undeniably a patriot. What makes him even more patriotic, however, is his unwavering courage to stand up for his beliefs, even when he stood alone with only the support of the diaspora.

While I wish that Berhane would have lived long enough to be freed from prison and meet his kids for several more years, I am somewhat comforted that he is no longer suffering and is at peace. Heaven has gained a new angel.

My condolences goes out to Berhane’s, and his 4 amazing children Efrem, Adiam, Miriam, and Simon, as well as his wife Almaz.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "A Tribute to Berhane Abrehe", are those of Daniel Mulugeta and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "A Tribute to Berhane Abrehe", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ Daniel Mulugeta እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

Ethiopian Airlines Suspends Flights to Asmara

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Ethiopian Airlines has announced the suspension of all flights to and from Asmara, Eritrea, effective today. The decision comes in response to what the airline described as “very difficult operating conditions” within Eritrea, which it claims are beyond its control.

This suspension follows a notice issued by the Eritrean government in July, which had already cast doubt on the airline’s continued operations in the country. Many Eritreans had previously expressed grievances over what they perceived as unfair treatment and excessive pricing by the airline. Some experts suggest that these widespread complaints may have influenced the Eritrean government’s decision to issue the notice. The suspension of flights now adds another layer of complexity to the already strained relations between the two nations.

It is Time to Remove the African Union’s Headquarters from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

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Since its inception in 1963, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African Union (AU), have been hosted by Ethiopia. Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia was its first OAU chairman. Among the major pillars of the African Union’s mission is safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of member states. Affirming commitments to its objectives, in its Cairo Declaration of Article 2 of resolution 16(1), the OAU pledged the independent African states to respect their inherited colonial borders. Through the Cairo Declaration, the OAU asserted that colonial borders are a sacrosanct boundary of African countries. In its effort to promote peace and security throughout the continent, the African Union established the Peace and Security Council in December 2003. The specific goal of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) is the “prevention, management, and resolution of conflicts.” In line with the above agreements and objectives of the African Union, we will see why the African Union’s headquarters needs to be removed from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

ETHIOPIA IS A THREAT TO REGIONAL PEACE.

Somalia:

Contrary to the objectives of the African Union, Ethiopia has been a source of instability in the Horn of Africa region. Following the 1977–1978 border war with Somalia, Ethiopia worked hard to make Somalia a failed state for three decades. In 2006, when Somalis started to organize themselves under the Union of Islamic Courts and began to bring normalcy to Somalia, Ethiopia invaded Somalia. The invasion of Somalia by Ethiopia created Al-Shabaab. In the pretext of fighting Al-Shabaab, Ethiopia is still in Somalia. According to the United Nations monitoring group report, Ethiopia, coupled with Yemen, is a major source of arms and logistics for Al-Shabaab. Until this day Ethiopia is working hard to create friction between the Somalia federal states and the federal government. Ethiopia arms the federal states of Somalia without the knowledge of the federal government. Its army crosses to Somalia as if Somalia were no man’s land. It invites Somalian federal state presidents to Addis Ababa without the knowledge of the federal government. As a continuation of its persistent effort to disremember Somalia, recently Ethiopia has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the breakaway unrecognized Somaliland. The MOU states that, in exchange for a share in Ethiopian Airlines and recognition of Somaliland as an independent country, Ethiopia will get a 20 km seacoast for building a naval base and commercial port. Such an agreement has all the signs that indicate Ethiopia wants Somalia to remain a failed state.

Here is why:

The MOU does not involve the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia. Signing an agreement with Somaliland, which the world recognizes as part of Somalia, is in contravention of the African Union’s commitment to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of a member nation Somalia. If Ethiopia wanted to get a seacoast from Somalia, it should have negotiated with the Federal Government of the Republic of Somalia.
Ethiopia is taking advantage of a neighboring country that is going through multiple challenges. Recently Somalia has been showing progress, especially in its security sector. Neighboring countries like Eritrea have trained future Somalian Navy, Airforce, and Mechanized units. Such an effort to reconstitute Somalia did not bode well with Ethiopia. That is why Ethiopia is rushing to derail the effort to bring Somalia back from the Abyss. Again, without the knowledge of the Somali Federal government, it is training and supporting the Somaliland police and paramilitary groups. The bottom line is Ethiopia does not recognize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia, which is in contravention of the Cairo Declaration of Article 2 of Resolution 16(1).
The MOU could antagonize Ethiopia with China, Turkey, Spain, and other countries that have similar secessionist problems. In the case of China, a major lender to Ethiopia, the recognition of Somaliland could pave the way for Taiwan to be recognized by the United States and some countries in Europe. Accordingly, China is expected to oppose the possible recognition of Somaliland by Ethiopia or any other country.
The MOU does not have economic benefits to Ethiopia. The straight-line distance between Addis Ababa to Lughaya, Somaliland is 930 km. To build a road, a commercial port, and a naval base in Lughaya, Ethiopia will need billions of dollars that it does not have. Moreover, Ethiopia must pay an annual lease to Somaliland calculated based on an average of what Djibouti gets from leasing its land to foreign countries that have bases in Djibouti. For instance, the US base in Djibouti is 500 acres or 2.2 square km. and it pays $60 million a year. You can imagine how much Ethiopia needs to pay for the 20-kilometer seacoast. Even if Ethiopia pays half of what the USA pays to Djibouti, it is going to be a significant amount of money. All this money will be expended to show the world that Ethiopia has a navy on a leased base in Somaliland.
The MOU is a danger to Ethiopia itself. Ethiopia is currently fighting with an Oromo separatist group, and the Tigrayans have harbored their long-held interest in separating from Ethiopia. Thus, the recognition of Somaliland by Ethiopia could open a floodgate for other countries including Somalia to recognize and support Ethiopian secessionist groups.

 

Eritrea:

After being colonized by Italy for 50 years (1889-1941) and ten years (1941-1951) under the British Interim Administration, the United Nations forced Eritrea to be federated with Ethiopia in 1952. In 1962, Ethiopia’s Emperor Haile Selassie unilaterally dissolved the Federation and annexed Eritrea, triggering a 30-year armed struggle in Eritrea. Eritrea, which had a distinct flag, parliament, and national boundaries based on the 1900, 1902, and 1908 colonial agreements between Ethiopia and Italy, was turned into an administrative region of Ethiopia. Although the annexation of Eritrea happened two years before the 1964 Cairo declaration, it was a clear indication that Ethiopia had not been committed to peace and security in Africa. After 30 years of war and destruction, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) completely liberated Eritrea in 1991. Through the UN and the AU-monitored referendum, Eritrea became an independent country on May 24, 1993. Again, in violation of the 1964 Cairo declaration, in 1998 Ethiopia claimed the Badme region of Eritrea and conducted a two-year devastating war against Eritrea. In 2002, the Eritrea and Ethiopia boundary commission based on the colonial agreements of 1900, 1902, and 1908 declared Badme was an Eritrean territory. Ethiopia rejected the ruling and occupied Badme and other Eritrean territories for twenty years. As a continuation of the Ethiopian leader’s act of undermining colonial boundaries recently, the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia Dr. Abiy Ahmed attempted to replace the 1964 Cairo declaration with Ethnic-based boundaries. He argued that because the Afar Ethnic group lives in both Eritrea and Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Afars should have a say on the Eritrean Red Sea. He continued to say because Somalis live in both Ethiopia and Somalia the Ethiopian Somalis should have a say on the Indian Ocean. In violation of the 1964 OAU declaration, he claimed to have a historical right to own a port and corridor to the sea. Recently he has allowed an Afar ethnic secessionist group conference to be held in Ethiopia. These statements indicate that Ethiopia is not serious about the 1964 Cairo declaration and the 1982 UN convention or Law of the Sea.

Sudan:

Ethiopia’s continuous border conflict with Sudan in the Alfashaga region also indicates Ethiopia’s lack of commitment to settle international border problems in line with the 1964 Cairo Declaration. When the Tigray war started, Sudan reclaimed what it called land that was occupied by Ethiopia. The border problem between Sudan and Ethiopia is a dormant conflict that could erupt at any time. Also, recently, some news has been circulating that Ethiopia has become the United Arab Emirates’ weapon transshipment destination for Sudan’s reengage general Mohammad Hamdan Dagalo aka “Hemedti”. Again, such interference in the affairs of a sovereign nation is another evidence that Ethiopia is a destabilizing factor in the Horn of Africa.

ETHIOPIA HAS A LONG HISTORY OF VIOLENT REGIME CHANGES AND PERSISTENT CONFLICTS:

Focusing on the history of modern Ethiopia, Emperor Haile Selassie, the first OAU chairman, was overthrown in a violent military coup by a Marxist–Leninist junta, the Derg. On the morning of 23 November 1974, the Derg executed 54 Haile Selassie’s Ministers, and six were killed in a shootout with the executioners. Haile Selassie was assassinated on 27 August 1975 by the then Ethiopian Military Junta. The catastrophic famine of 1983–1985 was what brought the Derg junta government the most international attention. Mengistu’s government is estimated to be responsible for the deaths of 500,000 to 2,000,000 Ethiopians, mostly during the 1983–1985 famine in Ethiopia, and close to 750,000 people due to the red terror execution of civilians. Consistent with what the Derg military Junta did to Haile Selassie, after waging a war for 17 years, the Tigray Liberation Front (TPLF) toppled the Derg Marxist Leninist Junta in 1991. Although the TPLF is credited with what resembles an economic change in Ethiopia, the ethnic-based federalism system it established continues to be a time bomb in Ethiopia. Ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia are believed to have killed close to two million and displaced five million Ethiopians. The Oromo and Amhara youth uprising toppled the Tigray liberation front-led government in 2018 and brought the current Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, to power. Although in the beginning, the transition of power seemed peaceful, it was followed by a deadly conflict between the Ethiopian Federal Government and the TPLF. The conflict resulted in the death of close to two million people in Tigray, Amhara, and Afar and the widespread destruction of property and infrastructure. Regardless of the ongoing wars in Amhara and Oromo, recently the Prime Minister of Ethiopia Dr. Abiy Ahmed made a dangerous speech to his parliament that could destabilize the whole Horn of Africa region. Ethiopian leaders continue to have a strong appetite for conflict, and they do not seem to survive without it. In the meantime, people in Tigray and Amhara are dying of hunger, and the federal government is warning the state governments not to say anything about it. The Abiy government does not want anything that interferes with his hot propaganda topic that Ethiopia got access to the sea. The news has become a staple of state-controlled activists, Radio, and TV, and it will continue for months to come. Again, such statements indicate that Ethiopia is not serious about the 1964 Cairo declaration and the 1982 UN convention or Law of the Sea.

CONCLUSION:

Why would the African Union station its headquarter in a country like Ethiopia that does not respect its overall mission and specific agreements, signed and ratified by member states? The saddest part of the story is a leader, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whom Ethiopians and people of the neighboring countries hoped would change the trajectory of war and conflicts in Ethiopia and received a noble prize, has become the prime instigator of war in Ethiopia. On top of the ongoing wars in Amhara and Oromo and the dormant deadly conflict in Tigray, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is eying an invasion of neighboring countries, especially Somalia and Eritrea. Therefore, Ethiopia’s continuous disregard for the 1964 Cairo declaration on colonial boundaries and its persistent internal conflicts do not reflect the values of the African Union. The Ethiopian utter disregard for the African Union’s declarations and agreements is making the African Union weaker and partial. The recent threat of the Prime Minister on neighboring countries and its MOU with the unrecognized breakaway state of Somalia should be a warning bell to the African Union. Ethiopia has continued undermining the African Union’s declarations and agreements, and it is time for the African Union to put an agenda, about moving its headquarters from Ethiopia, on its upcoming annual leaders’ summit. Given the strong grip Ethiopia has on the African Union, putting such an agenda for discussion may not be easy. However, if the African Union wants to remain relevant, it must send a strong warning to Ethiopia. Ethiopia is a bad example to Africa and the African Union should not become an accessory to that bad behavior.

Eternal Glory to our Martyr’s.

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The views and opinions titled "It is Time to Remove the African Union’s Headquarters from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.", are those of Abel Kebedom and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "It is Time to Remove the African Union’s Headquarters from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ Abel Kebedom እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

Water Wars and Military Moves: Egypt’s UN Appeal Over GERD Raises the Heat in Horn of Africa

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September 1, 2024 — Egypt has formally appealed to the United Nations Security Council regarding recent developments related to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), intensifying diplomatic tensions in the already volatile Horn of Africa. The appeal, delivered by Egypt’s Foreign Minister, comes in response to Ethiopia’s unilateral actions concerning the fourth and final filling of the dam, which Egypt views as a direct threat to its water security and regional stability.

The Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ statement reaffirmed Egypt’s firm opposition to Ethiopia’s actions, labeling them a violation of international law. It emphasized that Ethiopia’s approach jeopardizes the water security of downstream countries, particularly Egypt and Sudan, and poses a significant threat to regional peace.

Adding another layer of complexity to the situation, Egypt’s appeal to the Security Council coincides with heightened regional tensions following its military deployment in Somalia—a move that has been strongly condemned by both Somaliland and Ethiopia. This deployment has further strained relations between the nations, with Ethiopia grappling with accusations of destabilizing actions in Somalia, raising concerns about its broader regional intentions.

As Egypt remains committed to protecting its rights in the Nile Basin, these intertwined disputes underscore the fragile nature of regional security in the Horn of Africa. The growing concerns over water security and military presence in the region highlight the potential for conflict escalation, making the situation increasingly contentious.

The ongoing GERD dispute, coupled with military developments in Somalia, reflects broader geopolitical struggles in the region. Ethiopia finds itself at the center of multiple conflicts that threaten to destabilize the Horn of Africa, placing immense pressure on the international community to mediate and prevent further deterioration of peace and stability.

As Egypt continues its diplomatic efforts to resolve the GERD issue through negotiations, it calls on the international community to play a more active role in facilitating a peaceful resolution. With the stakes higher than ever, the region—and the world—awaits the outcome of this critical juncture in the Horn of Africa’s future.

Looming Conflict in the Horn of Africa: Diplomatic Tensions Escalate Amid Military Deployments

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Diplomatic tensions in the Horn of Africa have reached a new height as Somaliland and Ethiopia find themselves at odds with Egypt over military deployments in Somalia, signaling a potential escalation of conflict in the region.

On August 29, 2024, Somaliland’s government condemned Egypt’s recent deployment of military forces in Somalia, warning that this move threatens the fragile peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. Somaliland’s press release emphasized that the introduction of foreign military forces into Somalia under any pretext could have catastrophic consequences, urging the international community to condemn Egypt’s actions. The statement also called on neighboring countries to reject foreign military presence that jeopardizes regional stability.

Adding to the complexities of the situation, the same day, Somaliland announced via social media that Ethiopia had appointed an ambassador, Teshome Shunde Hamito, to its consular office in Hargeisa. This appointment marks a significant development in Ethiopia-Somaliland relations, with President Muse Bihi Abdi receiving Ambassador Teshome’s credentials and discussing regional security, economic cooperation, and the strengthening of bilateral ties during their meeting. The Somaliland government indicated that Ethiopia had effectively upgraded its consular office in Hargeisa to the status of an embassy, though Ethiopian authorities have yet to officially confirm this change.

This diplomatic shift comes against the backdrop of Ethiopia’s concerns over the transition from the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) to a new peace support mission. In a press statement issued on August 28, 2024, Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed alarm over the regional instability and accused external actors, including Egypt, of actions that could destabilize the region. Ethiopia reaffirmed its commitment to monitoring the situation closely, emphasizing that it could not stand idle while its national security was threatened.

The recent developments underscore a growing rift in the Horn of Africa, where competing interests and foreign interventions are raising the stakes. The situation is further complicated by the reported deployment of up to 10,000 Egyptian soldiers in Somalia, which has drawn strong reactions from both Somaliland and Ethiopia. Somaliland, in particular, has condemned the military buildup, vowing not to stand by as its peace and stability are put at risk.

As these tensions escalate, the Horn of Africa faces the real possibility of conflict, with regional powers asserting their positions amid an increasingly volatile security environment. The international community is now under pressure to respond to the unfolding crisis and seek diplomatic solutions to prevent further destabilization in this strategically important region.

Eritrean Minister Warns of Rising Threats to Sovereignty: “Perilous Red Lines” Must Not Be Crossed

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In a recent post on X (formerly Twitter), Eritrea’s Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel issued a stern warning against what he describes as growing provocations from “regressive-cum-revisionist elements” seeking to undermine Eritrea’s territorial sovereignty. The minister’s post emphasized the dangers of “ignorance, reckless arrogance, and imperial hubris,” suggesting that these forces are at play in attempts to challenge Eritrea’s inalienable rights over its lands.

Yemane’s message highlighted the disconnect between these aggressive actions and the desires of the broader populations in the region, who favor peace and stability. He characterized the provocative actions as “perilous red lines” and “political/legal apostasies” that should not be considered under any circumstances.

This statement from Eritrea’s government comes at a time of heightened tensions in the Horn of Africa, where territorial disputes and regional instability are increasingly at the forefront of political discourse. Eritrea’s firm stance reflects its commitment to defending its sovereignty and maintaining regional peace amid external pressures.