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Ethiopia’s Destabilizing Role in the Horn of Africa: A Response to the Former Ethiopian President

By
Suleiman A. Hussien
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Mr. Mulatu Teshome, former Ethiopian president and close aide to Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed, recently published an article in Al Jazeera accusing Eritrea of destabilizing Ethiopia and the broader region. These claims are not only baseless but also divert attention from Ethiopia’s own actions, which pose a far greater threat to regional peace and stability. Ethiopia remains mired in ethnic conflict, political repression, and internal unrest, yet it attempts to shift blame onto Eritrea without presenting any substantive evidence. This diversionary tactic is designed to obscure Ethiopia’s deepening political and economic crises. The reality, however, tells a different story.

What makes Ethiopia’s accusations even more perplexing is that the two countries signed a peace and cooperation agreement. More critically, Ethiopia—or at least its current government—might not have survived the recent Tigray civil war had it not been for Eritrea’s decisive role in neutralizing the TPLF. Instead of acknowledging this, Ethiopia has escalated tensions with Eritrea, undermining regional stability.

First, Ethiopia’s state-controlled media systematically propagates narratives aimed at destabilizing Eritrea. Furthermore, it openly harbors both armed and unarmed Eritrean opposition groups in blatant violation of the 2018 Peace Agreement signed in Asmara and Jeddah. Ethiopia’s actions signal an overt attempt at regime change in Eritrea—an act of provocation that threatens Eritrea’s sovereignty. Despite having every justification to retaliate, Eritrea has exercised restraint.

Second, Ethiopia’s persistent assertions of a so-called “historical right” to the Red Sea raise alarming concerns. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has declared Ethiopia’s need for a seaport as “existential,” insinuating that military action remains an option. Such rhetoric disregards colonial treaties and international law, posing a direct threat not only to Eritrea but to the entire region. Ethiopia lost access to the Red Sea in 1993 when Eritrea gained independence through a UN-monitored referendum, in which 99.8% of Eritreans voted in favor. The 1900, 1902, and 1908 colonial treaties signed between Ethiopia and European powers—including Italy and Britain—clearly define Eritrea’s borders, rendering Ethiopia’s claims legally indefensible.

A glaring example of Ethiopia’s expansionist ambitions is its Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland, a move widely condemned as a violation of Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Additionally, Ethiopia has been accused of meddling in Sudan’s civil war, allegedly supporting the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and exacerbating instability. Reports from the United Nations indicate that Ethiopia has provided logistical and military support to factions engaged in the Sudanese conflict, worsening an already dire humanitarian crisis.

In stark contrast to Ethiopia’s destabilizing maneuvers, Eritrea has played a constructive role in fostering regional stability. In Somalia, Eritrea has actively contributed to rebuilding the country’s security forces by training thousands of Somali troops—efforts welcomed by Somalia’s federal government. This stands in direct opposition to Ethiopia’s controversial involvement, often perceived as self-serving. Likewise, Eritrea has maintained a neutral stance in Sudan, advocating for peace negotiations rather than fueling the conflict. Unlike Ethiopia, which has been implicated in arming factions, Eritrea has worked to facilitate dialogue between Sudan’s warring parties.

Furthermore, Ethiopia’s own internal crises, particularly in the Amhara and Oromia regions, underscore its fragility. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have documented widespread human rights violations, including mass killings, forced displacements, and internet blackouts—symptomatic of a worsening crisis within Ethiopia itself.

Given these realities, it is clear that Ethiopia, not Eritrea, is the primary force threatening peace in the Horn of Africa. The international community must acknowledge this and apply diplomatic pressure where it is truly needed. Ethiopia’s repeated breaches of international agreements, expansionist ambitions, and interference in neighboring nations make it a destabilizing actor in the region. If left unchecked, its reckless policies could plunge the region into deeper conflict.

Eritrean Information Minister Rejects Ethiopia’s Accusation, Blames Addis Ababa for Regional Instability

By
SETIT
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Eritrea has forcefully rejected accusations made by former Ethiopian President Mulatu Teshome, who alleged that Asmara was destabilizing the Horn of Africa. Eritrea’s Minister of Information, Yemane Ghebremeskel, dismissed the claims on X (formerly Twitter) as fabrications designed to divert blame for Ethiopia’s internal crises. His response came on February 18, 2025, a day after the article accusing Eritrea was published.

In an opinion piece for Al Jazeera, Mulatu accused Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki of exploiting divisions within Ethiopia’s Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and undermining the 2022 Pretoria Peace Accord. However, Minister Yemane refuted these allegations, asserting that Eritrea has no stake in Ethiopia’s internal affairs and attributing regional unrest to Ethiopia’s own policies.

Regarding the 1998-2000 border dispute, Minister Yemane argued that the conflict was precipitated by Ethiopia’s occupation of Eritrean territory, including Badme, in defiance of international rulings. He also rejected claims that Eritrea played a destabilizing role in Ethiopia’s 2020 civil war, stating that Asmara was drawn into the conflict only after Eritrean cities were attacked by TPLF forces. He emphasized that Eritrea’s involvement was based on a 2018 security treaty with Ethiopia.

Minister Yemane also criticized Ethiopia’s recent statements about gaining access to the Red Sea, warning that Addis Ababa’s approach risked escalating tensions. He pointed to Ethiopia’s ongoing internal conflicts, including the war in the Amhara region and its contentious port deal with Somaliland, as key drivers of regional instability.

“The solution doesn’t lie in shunning responsibilities and accusing Eritrea,” said Yemane, reaffirming Eritrea’s sovereignty and its stance against foreign aggression.

Ethiopia’s Endless Lies: The Hypocrisy Behind the Anti-Eritrea Campaign

By
SETIT
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Eritrea, a nation that won its independence through sheer resilience, continues to be the target of a coordinated disinformation campaign aimed at undermining its sovereignty. The latest offender is former Ethiopian President Mulatu Teshome Wirtu, who, in a shameless display of hypocrisy, has called for international punishment against Eritrea—conveniently ignoring Ethiopia’s own history of aggression and instability.

Teshome’s audacity is staggering. Coming from a country that has repeatedly violated international law, waged wars of expansion, and sought to redraw regional borders, his demand for punitive action against Eritrea is not only absurd but laughable. Instead of addressing Ethiopia’s internal crises—ethnic conflicts, insurgencies, and chronic instability—he resorts to the tired, baseless narrative that Eritrea is to blame for Ethiopia’s self-inflicted chaos.

Eritrea’s Struggle for Sovereignty: A History of Ethiopian Hostility

Eritrea’s independence, achieved after a grueling 30-year war, was solidified in 1993 through a near-unanimous referendum. Yet, Ethiopia’s ruling elites have never fully accepted an independent Eritrea. The 1998-2000 war was not a mere border skirmish but a calculated Ethiopian attempt to seize Eritrean land, particularly the crucial port of Assab.

Even after the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) ruled in Eritrea’s favor in 2002, Ethiopia—backed by Western allies—brazenly refused to withdraw from Eritrean territory, violating international law with impunity. Instead, it doubled down on its strategy of diplomatic sabotage, orchestrating UN sanctions in 2009 based on fabricated accusations that Eritrea supported Somali extremists—claims later discredited and lifted in 2018.

Where was Mulatu Teshome’s moral outrage when Ethiopia was illegally occupying sovereign Eritrean land for over a decade? Where was his call for sanctions when Ethiopia defied international rulings? His selective amnesia exposes his argument for what it truly is: a desperate, politically motivated attack designed to justify Ethiopia’s own expansionist ambitions.

The 2020 Ethiopian Civil War: Eritrea’s Right to Defend Itself

Teshome also perpetuates the widely debunked claim that Eritrea destabilized Ethiopia during the 2020 civil war. What he conveniently ignores is that the conflict was triggered by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which launched a surprise attack on Ethiopian federal forces. In a reckless act of escalation, the TPLF fired over a dozen rockets into Eritrean cities, including Asmara and Massawa, dragging Eritrea into a war it did not start.

Eritrea’s response was not an act of aggression but a necessary exercise of self-defense. No nation would stand idle as hostile forces launch missile strikes on its civilian centers. Furthermore, Eritrea had a legitimate security pact with Ethiopia following the 2018 peace agreement. When Ethiopia, under direct attack from the TPLF, invoked this agreement, Eritrea responded as any responsible ally would.

Yet, Teshome dares to paint Eritrea as the villain while ignoring the blatant TPLF aggression that started the war. If hypocrisy were a currency, Ethiopian politicians like him would be billionaires.

Ethiopia’s Ongoing Obsession with Eritrean Territory

The Ethiopian elite’s fixation on Eritrea’s Red Sea access is no secret. In 2023, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed openly stated that Ethiopia would one day reclaim Eritrean ports, even if it took generations. This was no slip of the tongue—it was a calculated declaration of Ethiopia’s long-standing territorial ambitions.

For decades, Ethiopian leaders have viewed Eritrean sovereignty as an inconvenience rather than an established reality. The TPLF’s Greater Tigray Agenda sought to annex key Eritrean regions, and now Abiy Ahmed’s administration continues the rhetoric that Eritrea’s independence is negotiable. Teshome’s recent statements fit neatly into this agenda—demonizing Eritrea to justify future territorial claims.

Eritrea’s Strength: A Nation That Stands on Its Own

Despite relentless external pressure, Eritrea has remained steadfast, refusing to be dictated by foreign powers or regional bullies. Unlike Ethiopia, which has relied on billions in foreign aid while fueling ethnic conflicts, Eritrea has pursued self-reliance.

Critics often point to Eritrea’s governance structure, yet they fail to acknowledge that the country has been in a constant state of defense against existential threats. National service, often misrepresented, is a necessity given Ethiopia’s repeated invasions and ongoing threats. If Eritrea were to let its guard down, figures like Teshome and Abiy Ahmed would waste no time in pursuing their Red Sea ambitions.

The Real Destabilizer: Ethiopia’s Never-Ending Crises

Mulatu Teshome’s attacks on Eritrea serve a clear purpose: to distract from Ethiopia’s own internal chaos. While he demands punitive measures against Eritrea, Ethiopia is engulfed in violent uprisings across the Amhara and Oromia regions. The so-called “federal government” struggles to maintain control, and the scars of the Tigray conflict remain fresh.

Instead of scapegoating Eritrea, Ethiopian leaders should focus on their own house of cards. Eritrea did not create Ethiopia’s ethnic strife. Eritrea did not orchestrate the Amhara rebellion. Eritrea did not provoke the TPLF into war. Ethiopia’s crises are of its own making, yet its officials would rather blame Eritrea than confront their own failures.

Conclusion: Eritrea’s Sovereignty is Untouchable

Mulatu Teshome’s feeble attempt to rally international actors against Eritrea is not just hypocritical—it’s laughable. Coming from a country with a long history of defying international law, his words carry no weight. The world has seen Ethiopia’s aggressive tendencies, its refusal to respect past agreements, and its insatiable desire to control Eritrean territory.

Eritrea’s sovereignty is non-negotiable. No amount of diplomatic maneuvering, false accusations, or calls for sanctions will change that. Those who continue to push this tired anti-Eritrea narrative are simply delaying the inevitable realization that Eritrea is here to stay—strong, independent, and undefeated.

If Ethiopia truly seeks peace, it should abandon its expansionist dreams, respect international rulings, and clean up the mess within its own borders before pointing fingers at others. Until then, Eritrea will remain vigilant, unwavering, and ready to defend its hard-earned sovereignty against all threats—no matter how desperate or hypocritical they may be.

Ethiopia’s Distortion of Eritrean Sovereignty at the 2025 AU Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

By
Suleiman A. Hussien
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During the ongoing African Union (AU) summit in Addis Ababa, an alarming and unacceptable incident occurred: a map of Ethiopia, displayed at the summit, included parts of Eritrean territory. This blatant violation of Eritrea’s sovereignty—an independent and fully recognized AU member state with its delegation present—cannot be dismissed as a mere oversight. Some may attempt to downplay it as an unfortunate mistake, but for Eritreans, it is neither trivial nor accidental.

This is not the first time such actions have taken place. Rather than an isolated occurrence, it reflects a troubling and persistent mind-set among certain Ethiopian circles—including within the government—that have yet to fully accept Eritrea’s independence. Nearly 35 years after Eritrea’s hard-fought liberation, incidents like these serve as stark reminders that some factions in Ethiopia still struggle to acknowledge that Eritrea is a sovereign nation, here to stay.

This is not just about an inaccurate map; it is part of a deeper pattern of historical denialism. Despite the legally binding Algiers Agreement of 2000, which settled the border dispute, and the 2018 peace agreement, which aimed to normalize relations, Ethiopia continues to engage in symbolic and political acts that undermine Eritrea’s territorial integrity. Of particular concern is Ethiopia’s increasingly vocal rhetoric on acquiring a seaport, framed as an existential necessity. The fact that the map in question incorporated Eritrean coastal areas raises serious doubts that this was an innocent oversight. Instead, it suggests a deliberate attempt to normalize claims over Eritrean territory.

As Africa’s premier diplomatic institution, the AU has a duty to uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all its member states. While Ethiopia serves as the host nation, this should not translate into undue influence over AU affairs, nor should it allow for repeated violations of diplomatic norms. The AU must ensure that its platform is not misused to promote revisionist narratives or undermine the independence of any of its members. If left unchallenged, this incident sets a dangerous precedent, emboldening similar actions in the future—not just against Eritrea, but against any nation facing territorial claims. The credibility of the AU itself is at stake, and it must take a firm stance against such breaches of diplomatic protocol.

The Eritrean delegation attending the summit must not allow this incident to pass unnoticed. Immediate diplomatic steps should be taken, including a formal request for clarification from both the Ethiopian government and the AU Commission on how such an incident occurred. A strong and public statement must be issued, calling for accountability and ensuring that similar actions are never repeated. Moreover, Eritrean officials must actively engage other AU member states to make them fully aware of this violation and seek their support in condemning it. Silence would not only signal weakness but invite further provocations in the future.

Eritrea’s sovereignty is not up for debate, negotiation, or political manipulation. Any attempt—whether overt or subtle—to challenge its independence will be met with firm and unwavering resistance. If Ethiopia is truly committed to peace and stability, it must take responsible steps to ensure that such incidents do not recur. At the same time, the AU must address this matter with the seriousness it deserves, ensuring that all member states receive the respect and recognition they are due.

Eritrea’s long struggle for independence was neither easy nor uncertain, and its sovereignty remains non-negotiable. Any attempt to undermine it—whether through political rhetoric, diplomatic maneuvers, or symbolic gestures—will only strengthen Eritrea’s resolve. The world must take note: Eritrea is not merely defending its borders but reaffirming a historical truth that cannot be rewritten. Those who seek to challenge this reality would do well to remember that Eritrea’s independence is permanent, and its people will never accept anything less than full and unquestioned recognition of their nation’s rightful place in the world.

Eritreans Demand AU Response Over Ethiopia’s Map Controversy

By
SETIT
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A controversy erupted online after images from the 38th African Union (AU) Summit showed a map depicting parts of Eritrea within Ethiopia’s borders. The map, displayed alongside the African Union flag, also featured the Ethiopian flag in the foreground, further fueling concerns about Ethiopia’s intentions. The display sparked outrage among Eritreans on social media, who viewed it as a violation of their country’s sovereignty.

Eritrean social media users accused Ethiopia of promoting expansionist narratives and called on AU member states to condemn what they described as a dangerous misrepresentation. Many argued that allowing such a map at an official AU event undermined the organization’s core principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.

IMG 7528
Ethiopian FM:-Gedion Timotheos

Such deliberate map manipulation is not new and has happened before, fueling suspicions about Ethiopia’s long-term intentions toward its neighbors. Ethiopian political elites have historically viewed parts of Eritrea as rightfully theirs, despite Eritrea’s internationally recognized independence. Additionally, Addis Ababa’s recent actions, including hosting ethno-centric opposition movements, are seen by many as a signal that the Ethiopian regime is attempting to undermine Eritrean sovereignty and national security.

This incursion could also be motivated by Ethiopia’s ambitions for sea access, a contentious issue that has plunged the already volatile Horn of Africa region into a diplomatic crisis. Tensions escalated after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with a semi-autonomous region of Somalia last year, sparking strong opposition from Mogadishu and further straining regional relations.

IMG 7527
FBC X post (since it has been removed)

However, according to an investigation conducted by Setit, the controversial post containing the distorted map was initially posted on Fana Broadcasting Corporation’s official X page. The post has since been removed. The original post was published at 11:04 PM on February 12, 2025.

Discussions among Eritreans on social media continue to grow, with many urging the Eritrean government and regional allies to demand accountability and ensure that such actions do not go unchallenged. So far, AU officials have not publicly commented on the matter.

GSTS: Prosperity Party’s Hidden Hand in Tigray

By
Abel Kebedom
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The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS) is a special interest group of a few ethnic Tigrean individuals residing mainly in the Western world. The group is a collection of a few self-proclaimed educated individuals who do not have any clue whatsoever about the wounds they are inflicting on the Tigray people and beyond. They intentionally concoct false information and accusations and claim to provide professional advice in areas where they do not have any knowledge at all. These individuals violate ethical standards pertinent to their field of study and profession. They single-handedly derailed a badly needed transition of the Tigray people from war to peace and introduced a very dangerous power struggle in the Tigray Provisional Government. While the Tigray people are dying of hunger and lack of drinking water, these idiots waste millions of dollars on conferences that have exacerbated the problems. They disregard international law and court decisions and spew poison to sabotage the peaceful coexistence of the Tigray people with their neighboring communities. They are idiots who prescribe Western-style democracy for those who are suffering from hunger and lack of drinking water and still live in tent camps.

Plays a Negative Role in Tigray’s Internal Politics

After the 2020–2022 devastating Tigray war, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) signed a peace agreement on November 2, 2022, in Pretoria, South Africa. The peace agreement required the establishment of a provisional government in the Tigray region of Ethiopia. When the selection of the members of the provisional government started, General Tsadkan Gebretensae, who made a name for himself by claiming to be a leader of the Tigray Defense Force (TDF), was rejected by the army. Yet GSTS and their bosses in the Prosperity Party brought him to the Tigray provisional administration as their representative. Now General Tsadkan is the one who is destroying the Tigrayan social fabric and creating a very dangerous political turmoil in Tigray. GSTS is responsible for the current predicament the Tigray people are going through. It is time for Tigrayans to tell this self-serving parasite group to stop its destructive activities in Tigray and beyond.

Conducts Low-Quality, Useless Conferences

Conferences are venues where professionals and academics exchange ideas that are useful in solving economic, political, and social problems. Tigray is a highly drought-sensitive region of Ethiopia. The Tigray people have been dependent on food aid for decades. When the TPLF assumed the helm of power in Addis Ababa in 1990, everyone expected it to engage in full force to reverse the risk of devastating drought and build a sustainable agricultural mechanism in Tigray. Yet TPLF never focused on Tigray. A third of the population has been dependent on food aid, and unemployment in Tigray is rampant. The whole governance system is conditioned on food aid. The 2020–2022 war made the situation worse and heightened it to an emergency level. Given the gravity of the problem, you would think any Tigrean who claims to be educated would focus on finding a solution. Yet, when these educated ignorant individuals organize conferences in Tigray, they never raise this important issue in their meetings. Instead, they bash their neighboring communities, propagate how to destroy the nation-building efforts of their neighbors, and pray to God for the leaders of neighboring countries to get old and die soon. It is difficult to comprehend how people could be so stupid, blinded by hate and ignorance, and lose their common sense.

Harbors Failed Ethiopian Expansionist Tendencies

When the Tigray people were going through hell during the 2020–2022 war, this group of self-proclaimed educated ignorant individuals distributed a petition requesting the United Nations to give a sovereign Eritrean seaport to Tigray. Imagine these people, who claim to have mastery of world politics and international conventions, openly propagating an idea that would make the then-ongoing war worse. Let alone those individuals who claim to have high-level degrees, even a layman would not commit such a mistake. That silly and sinister agenda is an indication of their sick mentality and an extension of the damage they are inflicting on the Tigray people and beyond. It also indicates their closeness to Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party.

Recycles Old, Debunked, Worn-Out Political Allegations

Recently, I came across a story about the GSTS writing to the new United States Trump administration regarding Eritrea’s role in supporting Somalia’s terrorist group Al-Shabaab. Such a false claim confirms how deranged and ignorant these people are. They believed as if the Horn of Africa was a distant land where the United States did not have any reach whatsoever. Don’t they think that the United States has embassies in Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia? Don’t they know that the work of these embassies is intelligence gathering? Don’t they know that the embassies know who is doing what?

After years of failure and anarchy, Eritrea and other friendly nations are working hard to reconstitute Somalia. Eritrea is training Somalia’s federal army, including its navy and air force. If there is any nation that is most visited by Somalia’s leaders, it is Eritrea. With the political help of Eritrea, the Sudanese people are working hard to solve their internal problems. During the 2020–2022 Ethiopian Civil War, the Eritrean army’s intervention saved Ethiopia from disintegration. Then how is Eritrea playing a destabilizing role in the Horn of Africa?

Plays the Victim Card

If those people were educated, it would not be difficult for them to read and understand the wounds the Tigray People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF) army inflicted on Eritreans during the 1998–2000 Ethio-Eritrea border war. When TPLF soldiers had a chance to get deep inside Eritrea, they dug up a martyr’s cemetery and scattered the human bones, stole thousands of cattle, irrigation water pumps, and farming tractors, and sold them in Tigray markets. They brought Tigrayan civilians with donkeys and mules to ransack Eritrean cities, including doors and attics of civilian houses. Hotels and telecommunication buildings were demolished using heavy explosives. Historical monuments in Metera, Senafe, were toppled, and women were raped. It took an intervention by the Red Cross in Geneva to stop the rampant rape of Eritrean women around Senafe. Warplanes destroyed an Eritrean civilian electric power station hundreds of miles away from the border, in Massawa.

The TPLF-led government confiscated the hard-earned properties of 80,000 Eritreans who used to live in Ethiopia and expelled them empty-handed. After the TPLF-led Ethiopian government agreed to resolve the border dispute using final and binding court arbitration, it rejected the court decision and occupied Eritrean territories for 20 years. Continuing their sinister agenda, they concocted a 360-degree economic blockade against Eritrea. By enlisting Western governments who didn’t like Eritrea’s independent political stance, they imposed successive unjust United Nations sanctions against Eritrea. The TPLF-led Ethiopian government bought missiles from China and targeted Eritrean mining facilities deep inside Eritrea.

To the contrary, many Tigrean community members’ testimonials indicate that the presence of the Eritrean army during the 2020–2022 Tigray war reduced the human casualties the angry Ethiopian army would have inflicted in Tigray. Tigrayans themselves are talking about how the Eritrean army provided life-saving help to the unfortunate, fed those who were hungry, and provided much-needed security. The Eritrean army knew that Tigrayans were not enemies of the Eritrean people. Only those who inflicted wounds on Eritreans were responsible for their crimes.

Conclusion

The special interest group individuals hiding under the cover of the fictitious GSTS organization should be careful what they wish for. Their ignorance and sheer negligence have already immersed the Tigray people in turmoil. Other than that, Eritrea has no ear for idiots who don’t learn from their repeated mistakes and have no clue whatsoever about the politics of the Horn of Africa.

Victory to the Masses and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "GSTS: Prosperity Party’s Hidden Hand in Tigray", are those of Abel Kebedom and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "GSTS: Prosperity Party’s Hidden Hand in Tigray", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ Abel Kebedom እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

Eritrea’s Opposition and the Road to Asmara: Pragmatic Engagement or Symbolic Surrender?

By
Hani Ahmed
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The recent surge of visits by notable figures of the Eritrean dissents and opposition in diaspora (ex-opposition) to Asmara have confounded pro-government and opposition circles. This development has ignited intense debate on social media regarding its motives and implications and whether it marks pragmatic steps toward much-needed reforms or a cautiously calculated maneuver to solidify authoritarian rule.

Much of the debate stems from the Eritrean Government’s established approach to dissent at home and abroad. Inherited from its army struggle days, when absolute obedience and high centralization of power were a sine quo non for the victory of the struggle, the government has zero tolerance for dissent. Thus, in post-independence Eritrea, dissent lacked political space to sprout.

The Diaspora Dilemma: A Strategy of Non-Recognition

Silenced at home, different forms of dissent have flourished in the diaspora. The government applied a strategy reminiscent of Khartoum’s “Three Nos (No Recognition, No Negotiation, and No Peace)” resolution of Arab countries against Israel in 1967. To date, the government has neither publicly acknowledged it has opposition nor shown willingness to negotiate or reconcile with the various opposition groups.

Against this backdrop, the wave of visits raises a fundamental question: why has the government allowed the visit of its adversaries to Asmara now? The government’s policy regarding the opposition figures remains intact; hence, its primary motivation appears to be a calculated effort to dominate the public relations narrative. YouTube channels affiliated with the government extensively covered the visits, often portraying returning figures as disillusioned defectors who validate the ruling party’s long-standing narrative. In some instances, visitors also toured villages, engaging with local communities in a manner that discredited the opposition’s credibility in the diaspora and burnished the ruling party’s image. Thus, the visits lubricated Asmara’s propaganda machine and offered a massive public relations coup.

Short-Term Gains, Long-Term Risks?

The short-term government gains could have long-term risks. While capitalizing on the Public relations narrative by inviting members of the opposition (Former members in some cases) to Eritrea, the government is inadvertently giving tacit recognition to the presence of the opposition, which it has long denied. If the visits continue, it could challenge the carefully curated narrative that dissent is virtually nonexistent against the Government of Eritrea and that any opposition is externally manufactured.

Most significantly, this shift could abate Asmara’s most potent ideological tool: the portrayal of dissent as treason. The ideological tool has entrenched the belief that dissent is a sacrilege, which results in permanent exile. Though it is premature to conclude the waning influence of such belief hard-wired in Eritrea’s political culture, the symbolism of these visits suggests an evolving perception—namely, that returning to Eritrea should be a right, not a privilege granted based on political allegiance.

A Fractured Opposition and the Question of Strategy

Paradoxically, the opposition struggles have also contributed to the recent shifts. Since the start of the Tigray devastating war in Northern Ethiopia in 2020, the once-united Eritrean diaspora opposition has been deeply divided along ideological lines. While some staunchly believe that violence is the only way to bring change, others prefer non-violent engagement with the government.

Proponents of the latter approach argue that after more than two decades of protests, lobbying, and violent confrontations in Western cities, the opposition camp failed to yield tangible outcomes as it couldn’t compel the government to open the political and economic space. The status quo prompted many to evaluate the modus operandi of the opposition and shift their strategy towards engaging with the ruling elites while maintaining their goals. Drawing lessons from the state collapse resulting from the Arab Spring and considering Eritrea’s fragility, defenders of this position further argue that peaceful transition and reforms could only occur by engaging with the government, as seen in other countries. Thus, the visits are pragmatic, strategically farsighted, and politically correct.

Regarding peaceful transition, the end of the apartheid regime through a complex and long-negotiated settlement between the ANC and the ruling elites in South Africa is a case in point.  The transition avoided bloodshed and state collapse. For this to be viable, several critical conditions must met. First, the opposition has to mount pressure on the government, forcing it to acknowledge that continued repression is unsustainable. Second, reform-minded voices within the government must emerge and be willing to engage with moderates in the opposition; in contrast, hardliners on both camps must be convinced, co-opted, or marginalized. Finally, civil society actors play a crucial role in fostering trust between all parties.

At present, none of these conditions exist in the Eritrea. The opposition, which has lacked leverage over domestic politics, remains unable to exert meaningful pressure on the government. Furthermore, its bargaining power diminished as the visits became more of an individual rather than a collective initiative. As far as leaders are concerned, the reformist voices within Eritrea are under the surface, and time will tell if the trend inspires these voices to sprout or lay a foundation for further collaboration between the two forces.

Empowering hardliners, Undermining Reform?

In the meantime, the new trend has emboldened the hardliners on both ends of the spectrum. Most in the opposition camp rebuked the visits as a betrayal, driven by personal ambition rather than a genuine push for democratic reforms. Equally, for the government’s fervent supporters, the visits are proof of the government’s unassailable position, reinforcing the idea that opposition efforts are futile.

Moreover, critics argue that no matter the good intentions of the visitors, these visits are symbolic and cannot catalyze change. Authoritarian governments inherently resist peaceful and voluntary reforms, and Eritrea is no exception. For the past three decades, the government has been ruling through an iron fist rule, without any political concessions, making it unlikely that a handful of return visits will suddenly alter its trajectory. Instead, these engagements may serve as a tool to neutralize diaspora activism—especially in an era where satellite TV, social media, and offline video-sharing platforms have amplified opposition messaging inside Eritrea.

Personal and Cultural Motivations

Beyond politics, cultural and personal factors may also be driving these visits. For many Eritreans in the diaspora, the concept of homeland carries deep emotional and symbolic significance. The desire to reconnect with one’s birthplace—or, at the very least, to be buried in one’s ancestral land—is deeply embedded in the Eritrean psyche. For some, these visits may represent not a political maneuver but rather a personal pilgrimage, a longing to reestablish ties with their roots.

Conclusion: A Crossroads for Eritrea’s Future

In the unpredictable geopolitical landscape of the Horn of Africa, these visits could entrench authoritarian control or serve as the first steps toward reconciliation and restructuring. The government is less likely to embrace reforms without sustained pressure. And if the visits fail to empower the reformist voices within Eritrea, it risks becoming another tool for political control rather than a step toward democratization.

Ultimately, the road to meaningful change in Eritrea remains fraught with uncertainty. Whether these visits serve as catalysts for transformation or mere symbolic gestures will depend on the broader political context—and whether opposition forces can muster the unity and strategic vision necessary to convert engagement into tangible political progress.

 

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "Eritrea’s Opposition and the Road to Asmara: Pragmatic Engagement or Symbolic Surrender?", are those of Hani Ahmed and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "Eritrea’s Opposition and the Road to Asmara: Pragmatic Engagement or Symbolic Surrender?", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ Hani Ahmed እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

Fool me once shame on you. Fool me twice shame on me. Brigade of Scammers Searching for New Victims in Ethiopia.

By
Abel Kebedom
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The violent Brigade of Tigrayan Avengers that started in Germany to avenge the participation of Eritrean soldiers in the Tigray war (2020-2022) has moved to Ethiopia. The objective of the group that unleashed violent attacks against unsuspecting Eritrean civilian festivalgoers in Europe, Israel and North America was to obscure the Tigray Liberation Front’s (TPLF) defeat on the battlefield. After a violent attack spree against Eritrean festivalgoers, the law caught up and its members were hunted down by the police in Europe, Canada, Israel, and the United States and ended up in prison cells. Except for those skilled scams who use violence as an income-generating enterprise, many foot soldiers have received criminal records in their files and lost their status in the countries where they reside as refugees. Many of them flee Europe and trek to the United States through Mexico. The legal measures in Europe, Israel and North America are expected to continue, and hundreds are yet to be prosecuted.

After destroying the lives of many unsuspecting Eritrean refugees in Europe, Israel, and North America, now the scammers have moved to Ethiopia to do the same. In Ethiopia, they will recruit unsuspecting supporters and conduct a conference. Out of the conference, they will earn money through YouTube broadcasts and sponsorship. Then they will return to where they came from, mainly Europe, and ask for more money for their operations in Ethiopia. Those individuals cannot work in the Western world where they reside. They are used to earning easy money through GoFundMe and other illicit mechanisms.

When the group started its violent attack in Germany in 2022, all scam media and so-called party personalities from North America and Europe traveled to Germany. They officially declared Germany was their center of operations. They controlled the fundraising aspect of the group and made YouTube broadcasts from Europe. Finally, the scammers blamed each other for embezzling money and split into two groups. They do not care about those in prisons in Europe, Israel and North America. What they care about is money and that is why they moved to Ethiopia in search of new victims. Facts confirmed so far. They are:

 Eritrea Born Tigrayans and Tigrayans who Married to Eritreans.

Due to the decades-long war between Eritrea and Ethiopia, cross-border marriage between Tigrayans and Eritreans is often discouraged. Accordingly, this group has an identity crisis and dreams beyond its means. For this group to be valued in both Eritrea and Tigray It wants to create a new country in East Africa that incorporates Tigray and Eritrea. It often uses its proximity to the Eritrean and Tigrayan cultures and tries to create hate and confusion against the Eritrean Muslim community. This group often hails from the highlands of Eritrea and the Tigray region of Ethiopia and considers the Eritrean Moslems as an obstacle to its agenda. Except for working hard to be validated in both Eritrea and Tigray, it does not have any political program. It wants to erase Eritrean history, does not believe in Eritrean independence, and desecrates everything that advances Eritreanism. It openly advocates Eritreanism as its enemy because it does not include Tigray. This group would attack anyone who carries the official Eritrean flag and expresses his/her proud Eritrean heritage. It is against everything that Eritrea is meant for Eritreans. It has a deep inferiority complex and is very violent.

Youtubers and Power-Hungry Individuals, So-Called Activists.

As we all know, the YouTube business flourishes when there is conflict, war, and unrest. Previously obscure YouTubers made a lot of money out of the recent (2020-2022) Ethiopian civil war. When TPLF was defeated and signed a surrender agreement in Pretoria, South Africa, they were scared that their business would dry up. Then they started propping up terrorist gangs, who have financial and personal problems, and prepped them to throw stones and storm Eritrean diaspora community festivals in Europe, Israel, and North America. Accordingly, YouTubers such as Tefetawi Talk show, Assena, Erisat(EriPM), J. Studio, NeshNesh tv, and Finan App infotech were deeply emersed in creating such a bridge that would transition them from broadcasting breaking news from Tigray to broadcasting breaking news from Europe and North America. To be clear these groups of YouTubers have had relationships with the TPLF for a considerable period and served as a channel for the TPLF to distribute money to the Terrorist gangs. In fact, at a certain point, these YouTubers were also funded by TPLF. This was confirmed by Getachew Reda, an executive party official who is currently serving as the president of the Tigray regional provisional government. Also, in this camp, there are power-hungry failed activists who serve as interlocutors to special interest groups whose main interest is to guide the terrorist activities and share money with the YouTubers.

Money Hungry Foot Soldiers and Disgruntled Eritreans.

Different special interest groups invest a huge amount of money to advance these Terrorist activities. A few years ago, a TPLF financing agent, by the Nickname of “Pilot”, used to distribute money to anyone who was vocal in criticizing the Eritrean government. He was exposed because he put money into someone’s bank account who did not know the scheme and asked why anyone would put $5000 into his bank account. As we all know, being a refugee in Europe is tough. By taking such hardship as an opportunity different special interest groups buy the voice of unsuspecting young refugees in Europe. In addition to the lack of job opportunities, some disgruntled Eritreans who deserted the army could not return home. This group of individuals is destitute and does not have the means to cover their transportation costs. The combination of economic hardship, alcoholism, drug addiction, and loneliness creates a ticking bomb that can explode at any time. Unfortunately, such frustration leads to crossing the rule of law and ending up in legal jeopardy very difficult to recover from. Also, many of them get hurt by the police and even end up dead.

Tigrayans Who Stole the Identity of Eritreans and Received Refugee Status in Europe and North America.

After the 1998-2000 Eritrea and Ethiopia Border War ended, TPLF and its Western handlers devised a plan to deplete Eritrean human resources and weaken its defense capabilities. As part of the strategy, they established refugee camps a few miles away from the Eritrean border, in Tigray, Ethiopia, and disseminated a wide angled propaganda to lure young Eritreans to the refugee camps. Concurrently the United Nations Higher Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) put a guideline that gives Eritreans automatic acceptance as refugees in any country in the world. After securing such privileges the TPLF confiscated the identification cards of the Eritreans who arrived at the refugee camps and passed them to Tigrayans who impersonated the Eritreans. The Tigrayans ended up settling as Eritrean refugees in Europe, Australia, and North America, and the Eritreans were left to languish in the refugee camps in Tigray for more than a decade. When the 2020 war between the Ethiopian Federal government and the TPLF combatants started, to avenge the government of Eritrea’s support to the Ethiopian Federal government the TPLF combatants killed and raped the Eritrean refugees who were in the Tigray refugee camps. Currently, the Tigrayan, Eritrean impersonators, are the ones who are extending the revenge act in Europe and North America and storming Eritrean festivals and attacking unsuspecting diaspora Eritrean communities who have no interest other than celebrating their culture and history.

Conclusion

Where there is money there is a scammer brigade of Tigrayan Avengers. Whatever injustice may exist in Eritrea, you cannot solve it by throwing stones against women and children in Europe and North America. The “if I cannot convince you I will destroy you” logic is the highest level of hopelessness in life. Whatever hatred the European and North American governments have against the Eritrean government, they have a constitutional obligation to protect the Eritrean Diaspora Community from violence perpetrated by the above-mentioned delusional groups. Violence negates constitutional order, and governments end up reigning on terrorists. In the end, the violence will be between the police and the terrorists. Terrorism might make short-term news but never wins. That is what happened in Europe, Isarael, and North America. Now the scammers are in Ethiopia probably for a week. Follow to see what they are going to do when they return to where they came from. They will ask for more money. Those who are going to give them money are not fooled. They are fools themselves.

Awet N’Hafash and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "Fool me once shame on you. Fool me twice shame on me. Brigade of Scammers Searching for New Victims in Ethiopia.", are those of Abel Kebedom and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "Fool me once shame on you. Fool me twice shame on me. Brigade of Scammers Searching for New Victims in Ethiopia.", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ Abel Kebedom እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

Trump 2.0: The Campaign for the Recognition of Somaliland and Regime Changes in Eritrea

By
Afewerki Ghebremichael
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A coalition of self-proclaimed experts on the Horn of Africa is currently lobbying the new Trump administration to formally recognize Somaliland and support regime change in Eritrea. These initiatives are championed and propagated by individuals whose primary objective seems to be fostering instability under the pretext of promoting freedom and self-determination for local populations. However, their deeper motivations are evident: they aim to establish dominance over strategically significant regions and exploit the natural resources within these nations.

Somaliland
The region serves as a crucial corridor for international trade and maritime navigation. Amid ongoing geopolitical tensions between Somalia and Ethiopia, there has been significant discourse surrounding the implications of U.S. recognition of Somaliland, particularly in light of strategic military interests in the area. This includes Israel’s establishment of a military base to monitor Iranian activities and its proxies in Yemen.

Proponents argue that U.S. acknowledgment of Somaliland’s independence could be pivotal in curbing Iranian influence in the Horn of Africa. Additionally, it is claimed that such recognition could yield strategic advantages for Ethiopia. However, advocates of these positions often overlook the potential ramifications on regional stability and security dynamics.

Regime Changes in Eritrea
In recent weeks, individuals such as Michael Rubin and Martin Plaut, alongside other proponents of interventionist policies, have demonstrated a concerted effort to advocate for regime change in Eritrea. This campaign includes facilitating the establishment of a government-in-exile that lacks recognition or legitimacy among the Eritrean populace. Furthermore, it provides support to various political opposition groups, some of which have historically called for the territorial disintegration of Eritrea and have aligned themselves with adversarial factions in neighboring countries intent on undermining Eritrean sovereignty.

Certain oppositional factions are effectively instruments used to destabilize and dismantle Eritrea, serving the interests of external actors aiming to erode national unity and undermine Eritrean identity.

One might question the rationale behind their aggressive advocacy for such inherently destructive and intolerable actions. The answer lies in their disregard for the associated costs and ramifications. Their primary concern is narrowly aligned with their own vested interests.

How Should We Confront Them?
International legal frameworks may pose challenges to the Trump administration’s potential recognition of Somaliland. However, historically, U.S. leadership has often prioritized national interests over adherence to international legal standards.

It is crucial for the people of the region to remain critically aware of the narratives and disinformation propagated by those seeking to sow discord among nations, as these tactics often create a conducive environment for exploitation.

While significant reform and transformation of socio-political landscapes are needed across all countries in the region, these changes must originate from the people themselves. Reform processes should be rooted in local communities and led by the citizenry, ensuring ownership and sustainable outcomes. External influences, often motivated by self-serving interests and indifferent to the long-term welfare of these societies, must not dictate the path to reform. Instead, the power to shape these changes should remain firmly in the hands of local stakeholders.

 

Is the Ankara Treaty a Genuine Agreement or a Time-Buying Show?

By
Afewerki Ghebremichael
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The President of the Federal Republic of Somalia and the Prime Minister of Ethiopia signed a treaty to resolve their dispute stemming from the Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and the secessionist Somaliland in January 2024.

What Was the Ankara Deal?
The Turkey-brokered deal is not yet final or binding, but it represents an agreement by both countries to begin negotiations regarding Ethiopia’s claim for sea access. According to the treaty, both countries agreed to respect each other’s sovereignty and collaborate to find common ground for enhancing commercial and trade exchanges, which would benefit the countries and the region.

What Did the Leaders Say?
Soon after the treaty was signed, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister stated, “Ethiopia respects the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Somalia, but any agreement or deal they make with Somaliland is out of the business of the Republic of Somalia.” This contradictory statement signals that the Ethiopian government may not intend to fully respect the treaty.

Although both leaders affirmed their willingness to talk and resolve disputes, the conflict is far from over, with no significant breakthroughs achieved. Both sides appear to be buying time to strengthen their respective positions for the unresolved issues.

What Will Happen to the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)?
In the recent election in Somaliland, a new president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro, assumed office and nominated a foreign minister known for opposing the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the former administration with Ethiopia. This indicates that the people of Somaliland, an autonomous region, are largely against any deals with Ethiopia. Furthermore, the newly elected president has announced plans to review the agreement, emphasizing its lack of transparency and casting doubt on its validity. The situation remains unclear, but given the region’s history, significant developments could occur.

Regional and Future Perspectives
After the signing of the treaty in Ankara, reports emerged that militias in Jubaland, allegedly supported by Ethiopian soldiers stationed in Somalia since 2006 under the pretext of fighting al-Shabaab, engaged in clashes with the federal army. Unverified reports suggest that several federal government soldiers were killed, with many fleeing to Kenya before returning to Somalia. Concurrently, a delegation from Somalia led by the Foreign Minister arrived in Ethiopia to initiate work on normalizing relations under the Ankara Treaty.

On December 21, 2024, French President Emmanuel Macron visited Ethiopia in what appeared to be a politically motivated move amidst his domestic challenges. The Ethiopian Prime Minister welcomed Macron with an unprecedented ceremony, yet the visit yielded no tangible outcomes. Macron declined to support Ethiopia’s bid for sea access, emphasizing that such matters depend on the consent of sovereign nations, thereby reaffirming international law regarding territorial integrity. This outcome highlighted the Prime Minister’s diplomatic failure.

Subsequently, the Somali President visited Eritrea, following an earlier visit to Mogadishu by Egypt’s Foreign Minister. These visits signal to Ethiopia that Somalia is not diplomatically isolated.

Somali President in Addis Ababa
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud visited Ethiopia on January 11, 2025, following his attendance at an African agriculture summit in Uganda. His office described the visit as a follow-up to the Ankara Treaty, aiming to resolve disputes and begin technical negotiations by February’s end. However, analysts believe the visit primarily sought to appease Turkish mediators, on whom Somalia heavily relies for security and economic support.

Ethiopia’s Position
Ethiopia appears isolated in its approach, which has been perceived as disingenuous and unacceptable to regional actors. Instead of seeking external and colonial powers’ assistance to destabilize the region, Ethiopia should pursue respectful bilateral agreements to foster mutual growth and stability. The sovereignty of Red Sea nations must remain inviolate.

Conclusion
As 2025 begins, the United States’ regional policy under President Donald Trump remains unclear. The Middle East, particularly Yemen’s ongoing crisis, continues to impact regional geopolitics, with implications for security and stability. Middle-power nations such as Turkey, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Iran also play crucial roles, while major powers like the European Union, China, and Russia monitor developments closely to safeguard their strategic interests.

The Ankara Treaty underscores the need for African-led solutions to African problems. Organizations such as the African Union and IGAD should have taken the lead in addressing the dispute. Ethiopia must recognize that regional collaboration is the only sustainable path toward peace and prosperity.

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