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President Isaias Afeworki: War On Fano Was a Foreign Agenda

By
Abel Kebedom
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Recently through his local TV, Fana Broadcasting Service, Prime Minister Abiy Ahamed of Ethiopia delivered a scathing personal criticism of his former big brother and savior President Isaias Afeworki (PIA) of Eritrea. To understand the reason behind such an unjustifiable response it is important to dive into PIA’s recent Interview. In his interview, The Eritrean president raised three main issues responsible for the instability in Ethiopia: Ethnic federalism, The GERD, and the war against Fano. Now let’s discuss each of them.

Ethnic Based Federalism.

It has been clear that the president of Eritrea has opposed ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia since its inception in the early 1990s. Federalism is a good governance system that promotes self-rule at the local level and a shared rule at the federal level among parties with different political ideologies. The problem with Ethiopian federalism is its cross-section with ethnicity. When a governance system is based on ethnicity it is often susceptible to extremism and conflict. That is what Ethiopian ethnic federalism proves to be. Regional States that are created based on ethnic lines vie for power. Currently, there is fierce competition for power between the Amhara’s, Oromos, and Tigrayan’s. The Tigray and Oromo ethnic groups harbor a secessionist tendency. Accordingly, when they come to power, they tend to take measures that help their ethnic group pave the way to creating their future independent State. It means through time the fragmentation of Ethiopia is unavoidable. The worst part of the story is possible fragmentation of Ethiopia will negatively affect all neighboring countries. Thus, PIA’s concern is justified, and he should continue to express it openly. Although the Tigray and Oromo Elites want to protect it for their future agendas Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism is a threat to Ethiopia’s continuity as a country and regional peace.

The GERD.

Many people do not understand the reasoning behind PIA’s criticism of the Ethiopian Great Renaissance Dam. As long as the Dam exists, the conflict among Sudan, Egypt, and Ethiopia persists and regional cooperation cannot be materialized. Such conflict creates proxy or God forbid confrontation between the three countries. The burning question is, is it worth it for Ethiopia to go to war that may turn the developments Ethiopia achieved so far upside down? Was there any other possibility for Ethiopia to guarantee electricity supply? Of course, many people would downplay the war scenario between Sudan, Egypt, and Ethiopia. The writer of this article believes war due to GERD, between the three countries is not whether it is going to happen, it is a matter of when. That is what PIA is concerned about. GERD will continue to be a source of tension and instability in the Horn of Africa region and that is not good for the countries in the Region.

War On Fano.

Fano emerged as a force to reckon with when the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) attacked the Northern Command on November 4, 2020, and planned to march to Addis Ababa to overthrow the newly formed Abiy government. When the Abiy government shifted course on the war and decided to reconcile with the TPLF, a decision was made to dismantle not only Fano but also the Amhara regional government special forces. Such action by the Abiy government was seen as a betrayal by the Amhara’s and a Fano opposition group emerged. The Fano armed groups are fighting the Federal forces all over the Amhara region. The unanswered question so far was why the Abiy government decided to crack down on Fano and Amhara Special Force until PIA hinted at the reason. According to PIA, the war on Fano was the making of Foreign Powers. That means the Abiy government was forced to act on Fano due to the pressure from foreign powers. The question is why Fano would be a target of foreign powers. There are three possible reasons:

  1. Link to Eritrea.

When the war on TPLF started, Eritrea reached an agreement with the federal government to train Fano. The Eritrean government believed in Fano’s potential to counter TPLF’s aggressive moves. On many occasions, the TPLF nearly overrun the Federal Forces and that was a concern to Eritrea. After the Pretoria agreement ended the war, the United States which did not want to see any party linked to Eritrea in Ethiopia, pressured Abiy Ahmed to crack down on Fano. Fano was also seen as an obstacle to the US’s major interest in bringing the TPLF and Abiy together and putting them on its side. Because the Abiy government had its fears emanated from Fano’s potential interest in the Federal seat of Addis Ababa, it acted against Fano quickly. That ill-fated decision has sparked a big fire in Ethiopia that is risking the collapse of the federal army.

2.Tension between the Oromo and Amhara.

Although the Amhara and Oromos cooperated to kick the TPLF from the federal power it held for 27 years, it did not take time for a power competition between them to emerge. Especially PM Abiy’s intention to turn the federal capital, Addis Ababa, into an Oromo Regional Government seat and potentially merge it into the Oromia state, in preparation for future Oromo country intensified the conflict between the two ethnic groups. The constant attack and expulsion of Amharas who resided in the Oromia region, blockage of Amharas from entering Addis Ababa, and the deliberate plan of the Abiy government to dismantle the Ethiopian Orthodox church aggravated the tension.

3.Abiy’s effort to appease the TPLF.

The Eritrean government believed it would not be long before PM Abiy turned on Eritrea. History has shown that Ethiopia’s governing elite’s lien on Eritrea until they believe they consolidated power. After the end of the war with the TPLF, it was clear that Eritrea’s concern was going to materialize. His Ambition to be seen as a great Ethiopian leader took PM Abiy to the Red Sea. In contravention of international law, he demanded ownership of a seaport and its corridor from his neighbors. He also wanted to establish a naval base in the Red Sea. To make that happen PM Abiy’s Machiavellian game convinced him to appease the TPLF and put it on his side. Such an idea was presented to the TPLF in their initial meeting in Seychelles, way before the Pretoria agreement was signed. During that time the Eritrean Army was actively supporting the Abiy government. However, that game made him his prisoner. Before agreeing to PM Abiy’s plan, the TPLF demanded the return of all territories administered by Tigray before the war. The Abiy government could not agree to the TPLF’s demand because if TPLF gets access to Sudan it may endanger the Federal government. Thus, Welkaite is “a bone on Abiy’s throat”. That is why instead of agreeing to TPLF’s preconditions for cooperation, the Abiy government decided to dismantle the TPLF from the inside.

Future Scenarios:

Based on the above analysis of the current political situation in Ethiopia and the wider region what are the possible future scenarios?

-The reconciliation between the TPLF and the Federal Government has hit a wall. PM Abiy chose to dismantle the TPLF from the inside and build a Tigray government loyal to him. Such a plan is gaining momentum. Yet the end might be what takes PM Abiy down from power. TPLF is likely to continue fighting for its survival and possibly find new allies. The fact that the latest US government will have no interest in Ethiopia’s internal politics unless PM Abiy gives in to TPLF’s demands there is no end to the conflict in Tigray.

-With the signing of the Ankara declaration, PM Abiy’s ambition to own a seaport and its corridor has ended. Now that the Red Sea Countries know the danger PM Abiy poses to the Red Sea, they are likely to be keen on protecting it. Consultations among Egypt, Somalia, Saudi Arabia, Eritrea, and possibly Sudan will continue. That means the possibility of PM Abiy getting to war to own a port is an unlikely scenario at least in the short term. Ethiopia will continue diversifying access to ports through all neighboring countries except Eritrea. The problem with Ethiopia and Eritrea is Ethiopia’s long-held strategy of denying Eritrea port revenue so that it remains economically weak. Ethiopia sees Eritrea as a regional rival. Thus, Eritrea will have to find other uses for its ports.

-Internal conflict in Ethiopia will continue. It is less likely that Fano and OLF would trust the Abiy government to sign a peace agreement. It is even less probable that the Abiy government would share any power with the Armed groups. Thus, unless one of the parties wins there is no way out. If the TPLF re-enters the war the Abiy government will be in imminent danger.

Conclusion.

Because most of the issues PIA raised in his recent interview were mentioned several times before, they were not the trigger point for PM Abiy’s scathing criticism against PIA. Thus, PIA mentioning the War against Fano as a foreign agenda may have been the last straw that broke PM Abiy’s patience. Due to his hasty and poorly calculated decisions, currently PM Abiy is facing immense internal and external pressure and the last thing he wanted to hear may have been criticism from his former older brother and Savior, Isaias Afeworki of Eritrea. What is sure is PIA will continue to raise these issues in his future interviews and PM Abiy will be forced to hear them. PM Abiy, his ministers, and paid YouTubers should be reminded that as long as they continue to disrespect their neighbors and disregard their sovereignty and territorial integrity, they will continue to hear such criticism from their neighbors. Treat your neighbors the way you would like to be treated.

Victory to the Masses and Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs.

Eritrean Runner Wins $25,000 Prize at 52nd Honolulu Marathon

By
SETIT
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On Sunday, December 8, the 52nd Honolulu Marathon brought together runners from around the globe, with Eritrean athlete Yamane Haileselassie making history as the first male runner to cross the finish line. The marathon, stretching from downtown Honolulu to Kapiolani Park, saw Haileselassie clock an impressive time of 2 hours, 11 minutes, and 59 seconds, narrowly beating Kenya’s Reuben Kerio by 17 seconds.

Haileselassie, 26, expressed his excitement after the race, stating, “It’s a good city, very nice. I enjoyed the view, the ocean, and the nice people.” Reflecting on the victory, he added, “I’m happy and grateful for this opportunity. I will use this money to support my family back in Eritrea.” The winner received a $25,000 cash prize and a solid gold medal valued at $15,000.

Stolen Ethiopian Medal Auction Sparks Outrage Over Colonial Plunder

By
SETIT
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A gold star medal, originally belonging to Ras Desta Damtew, a prominent military leader during Ethiopia’s monarchy era, has become a focal point in the debate over colonial looting. The medal, which was taken following Ras Desta’s capture and execution by Italian forces in 1937, recently appeared in an auction catalog, prompting outrage from his descendants and heritage advocates.

According to a report in The Art Newspaper, the medal was listed by La Galerie Numismatique, a European auction house with branches in Bucharest, Lausanne, and Paris. The listing described it as part of “the estate of an Italian soldier who was present at the capture of the Prince,” referring to Ras Desta. The medal was priced between €60,000 and €90,000, and its grim provenance was promoted as a selling point. Despite the controversy, the medal failed to sell during the December 1 auction on liveauctioneers.com.

The auction has drawn strong criticism from Ras Desta’s family, who view the listing as a gross commodification of their ancestor’s legacy. “This is a medal taken from the dead body of our grandfather,” said Amaha Kassa, Ras Desta’s grandson, speaking from the United States. “Seeing it treated as a commodity is deeply upsetting.”

His sister, Laly Kassa, echoed this sentiment, calling the auction “an affront to history and decency.” She added, “Profiting from the spoils of colonial violence sends the wrong message. This medal belongs in an Ethiopian museum, not in private hands.”

The family has expressed a desire to reclaim the medal and ensure its preservation as part of Ethiopia’s cultural heritage, honoring the sacrifices of their grandfather and others who resisted Italy’s colonial aggression.

Ras Desta Damtew was a prominent Ethiopian military officer and provincial governor during the era of Emperor Haile Selassie. Leading the southern front against Benito Mussolini’s invading forces during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, he continued fighting even after the emperor went into exile. He was ultimately captured and executed in 1937. His name endures in Ethiopia, with institutions like a hospital in Addis Ababa commemorating his contributions.

As highlighted in The Art Newspaper, the medal’s story is part of a much larger issue of cultural artifacts taken during colonial occupations. Yemane Demissie, a New York University professor and filmmaker, noted that Italy’s forces looted countless treasures during their occupation of Ethiopia. “Many of these artifacts remain in Italian museums or private collections, where they serve as reminders of systemic colonial exploitation,” he explained.

For decades, Ethiopian authorities and cultural advocates have called for the return of looted heritage. The auction of Ras Desta’s medal illustrates the slow progress in addressing these demands and the ongoing commercialization of historical artifacts.

Despite appeals from both Ras Desta’s descendants and Ethiopian authorities, La Galerie Numismatique refused to cancel the sale. Christopher Marinello, founder of Art Recovery International and representative for the family, criticized the auction house’s handling of the issue. “This is stolen property with a clear colonial provenance,” he said, calling the auction’s refusal to cooperate “outrageous.”

Bogdan Stambuliu, an auctioneer for the firm, defended the listing, insisting the item’s provenance was legitimate. However, his offer to sell the medal back to the family for €61,595—a price close to its auction estimate—has been widely condemned as exploitative.

Abebaw Ayalew, director general of the Ethiopian Heritage Authority, denounced the sale, calling it a violation of Ethiopia’s cultural heritage. “This looted artifact must be returned,” he wrote in a formal appeal to the auction house, emphasizing the broader ethical obligation to repatriate stolen items.

As reported by The Art Newspaper, this case highlights the urgent need for greater accountability in the art and auction industries, as well as the importance of restitution in addressing the enduring scars of colonialism.

Ethiopia: Suspension of Human Rights Groups Sparks Outcry Over Shrinking Civic Space

By
SETIT
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Amnesty International has condemned the Ethiopian government’s suspension of three prominent human rights organizations, warning of an alarming crackdown on civic space in the country. The Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE), the Center for Advancement of Rights and Democracy (CARD), and Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR) were suspended by the Authority for Civil Society Organizations (ACSO) earlier this month, citing allegations of “lack of political neutrality” and “engaging against the national interest.”

In a statement released Tuesday, November 26, 2024, Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, decried the suspensions as baseless and a violation of fundamental human rights.

“Amnesty International condemns the suspension of AHRE, CARD, and LHR based on vague and unsubstantiated allegations. Such claims have long been used by Ethiopian authorities as tools to suppress civil society organizations. These suspensions must be immediately reversed,” Chagutah said.

The suspensions come amid reports of escalating conflicts and human rights violations in Ethiopia, including arbitrary detentions, forced evictions, and restricted media freedoms. Amnesty International emphasized the critical role of civil society and media in documenting abuses and holding authorities accountable, especially in light of ongoing unrest in the Amhara, Oromia, and Tigray regions.

Ethiopia has faced longstanding criticism for its human rights record, with allegations of suppression of dissent, restrictions on media freedom, and targeted attacks on human rights defenders. The situation worsened significantly during the country’s devastating civil war from 2020 to 2022, which pitted federal forces against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and later drew in other regional actors.

The conflict, marked by widespread atrocities, left tens of thousands dead and displaced millions. Amnesty International and other organizations documented war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by all parties, including mass killings, sexual violence, and destruction of infrastructure. A fragile peace agreement was signed in late 2022, but the legacy of the conflict continues to fuel tensions and humanitarian crises in the region.

Despite the cessation of large-scale hostilities, Ethiopia has struggled with accountability for wartime abuses, with limited progress on justice and reconciliation efforts. Reports of ongoing violence and rights violations in regions such as Amhara and Oromia highlight the persistent instability.

Chagutah urged the international community to take decisive action:

“Ethiopia’s development partners must abandon their ‘policy of no policy’ stance and prioritize human rights in their engagement with the government. The UN Human Rights Council must urgently establish a mechanism to investigate and document human rights violations in the country.”

The ACSO’s actions began on 14 November 2024, when CARD was suspended for alleged political bias and activities “contrary to national interests.” Similar suspensions were issued to LHR and AHRE on 21 November. The affected organizations have rejected the allegations, describing them as vague and politically motivated, and are seeking legal remedies to resume their operations.

The use of broadly worded restrictions to curtail freedom of association violates Ethiopia’s obligations under regional and international human rights laws, Amnesty International noted.

The suspensions have raised concerns about the Ethiopian government’s increasing suppression of dissent and accountability mechanisms, further isolating civil society at a time of deepening political and humanitarian crises.

Amnesty International’s call for action extends to Ethiopia’s international partners, urging them to adopt a more assertive stance on human rights. Chagutah also called on the UN Human Rights Council to revisit its approach to Ethiopia and establish systems to preserve evidence of violations.

As Ethiopia grapples with internal unrest, the suspension of human rights organizations signals a worrying trend that threatens to erode civic freedoms and stall efforts for justice and accountability in the country.

The Horn of Africa: The Egypt-Somalia Security Pact and Its Implications for Regional Security

By
Afewerki Ghebremichael
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The escalating tensions between Ethiopia and Somalia have raised significant concerns about the geopolitical dynamics in the Horn of Africa. These developments carry serious ramifications, threatening to destabilize the broader region.

Why Are We Here?

In January of this year, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister and Somaliland’s leadership announced an agreement to build a port and establish a military base off the Somaliland coast. This move sent shockwaves across the Horn of Africa due to Ethiopia’s implied recognition of Somaliland as a sovereign state, further complicating the region’s volatile geopolitics.

This decision has sparked widespread controversy, heightening tensions between Ethiopia and the Federal Republic of Somalia. Many Somalis view Ethiopia’s actions as a direct threat to Somalia’s unity and territorial integrity. Ethiopia’s control over the Somaliland port and its lease of a military base exacerbate these fears, intensifying resentment rooted in a long history of conflict and division.

Lessons from the Eritrea-Ethiopia Border Dispute

Ethiopia’s approach to regional disputes is not unprecedented. For over two decades, it refused to withdraw from sovereign Eritrean territories, including the disputed town of Badme. Despite the 2002 Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission’s ruling in favor of Eritrea, Ethiopia resisted compliance, effectively delaying border demarcation.

Eritrea, however, steadfastly demanded adherence to international rulings, rejecting Ethiopia’s calls for endless dialogue and negotiations. The late Eritrean Ambassador Girma Asmerom underscored this commitment, famously stating, “If Ethiopia pulls its army out of Eritrean territory, including the town of Badme, in the morning, discussions between the two countries will commence in the afternoon.”

This historical context sheds light on Ethiopia’s current maneuvers in Somalia, which bear a striking resemblance to its expansionist tendencies.

Ethiopia’s Expansionist Ambitions

Ethiopia’s aspirations for territorial expansion are not new. Historically, Ethiopian leaders sought to annex neighboring territories, including Eritrea and Somalia, citing dubious historical claims. Today, the Ethiopian government appears determined to secure sea access, leveraging coercive diplomacy and military pressure.

This strategy is further complicated by Ethiopia’s contrasting treatment of secessionist movements. While it crushed the Tigray region’s bid for autonomy through military force, it now supports Somaliland’s push for independence, undermining Somalia’s sovereignty.

Such actions risk plunging the Horn of Africa into a protracted and bloody conflict, especially as Somalia forges new military alliances with Egypt, Ethiopia’s historical rival.

The Somalia-Egypt Security Pact

In August 2024, Somalia and Egypt formalized a defense pact to enhance security cooperation. This agreement, signed during Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s visit to Cairo, includes Egyptian military support, weapon deliveries, and the potential deployment of 5,000 Egyptian troops to Somalia.

Experts suggest that this pact could challenge Ethiopia’s decades-long dominance over Somalia. According to Yusuf Hassan of the City University of Mogadishu, an Egyptian military presence would diminish Ethiopia’s ability to meddle in Somali affairs, bolstering Somalia’s sovereignty.

Ethiopia has expressed concerns about the pact, warning against external interference that could destabilize the region. However, Ethiopia’s historical involvement in Somalia, including its support for tribal enclaves and direct military interventions, complicates its credibility as a promoter of regional stability.

The Ogaden War and Somalia’s Historical Claims

The Ogaden War (1977–1978) exemplifies the deep-rooted conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia. Somalia, seeking to reclaim the Ogaden region inhabited by ethnic Somalis, launched an offensive that initially succeeded. However, Ethiopia, with substantial support from the Soviet Union, Cuba, and other allies, eventually repelled Somali forces.

The legacy of the Ogaden War continues to fuel Somali nationalism and aspirations for a “Greater Somalia,” symbolized by their flag’s five stars. However, these ambitions remain unrealized, hindered by historical divisions and external pressures.

Historical Background of Somaliland

Somaliland, a self-declared independent state, broke away from Somalia in 1991 following the collapse of the central government. While it operates as a de facto independent nation, no country has officially recognized its sovereignty.

The region’s distinct history as a former British protectorate adds complexity to its relationship with Somalia, which opposes its secession. Despite years of negotiations, Somaliland remains steadfast in its demand for full independence, while Somalia insists on reunification.

Egypt’s Historical Role in the Horn of Africa

Egypt has historically competed with Ethiopia for influence in the Horn of Africa, particularly in the Red Sea region. During the 1960s, Egypt sought to block Israel’s access to the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait but abandoned this strategy after its defeat in the Six-Day War.

Today, Egypt’s involvement in Somalia reflects its broader strategy to counter Ethiopia’s regional ambitions, particularly concerning the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). By strengthening ties with Somalia, Egypt seeks to undermine Ethiopia’s influence and protect its interests in the Nile River basin.

What Is the Solution?

There is no straightforward solution to the complex issues plaguing the Horn of Africa. However, Ethiopia must prioritize diplomacy over coercion. Its expansionist aspirations and support for Somaliland’s secession undermine regional stability and risk further escalation.

Similarly, Somalia should focus on strengthening its institutions and fostering regional cooperation to counter external interference. The involvement of external actors like Egypt, while potentially beneficial in the short term, risks entrenching proxy conflicts in an already volatile region.

Ultimately, peace in the Horn of Africa requires a commitment to mutual respect, dialogue, and regional integration, free from the shadow of historical grievances and external manipulation.

From Canada to Kigali: Melku Gebrekristos Turns Food Waste into Opportunity

By
SETIT
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As reported by the Rwandan outlet The New Times, for some, a vacation offers a break from routine. However, for Melku Gebrekristos, an Eritrean-Canadian entrepreneur with nearly two decades of business experience, her trip to Rwanda became a journey of transformation—not just for herself but also for Kigali’s agricultural sector.

Born and raised in Eritrea, Gebrekristos immigrated to Canada in 2002, where she established the Laza brand, specializing in hibiscus drinks and ice lollies. The business thrived by embracing natural ingredients and cultural authenticity, but a visit to Rwanda at the end of 2022 expanded her horizons and ambitions.

“I was struck by the sight of fresh fruits being discarded at the Nyabugogo market,” she recalled. “It was difficult to see so much produce go to waste after all the effort farmers put into growing it. In Canada, fruit is mostly imported and far from fresh. I immediately thought, why not create something here that supports farmers, reduces waste, and contributes to the local economy?”

Building Laza Lollies in Rwanda

lazzapckages

This question became the seed for a bold new venture. After researching Rwanda’s market, Gebrekristos discovered that the ice lolly industry relied heavily on imports, despite the country’s abundant fresh produce. Inspired, she decided to bring Laza to Kigali, not as an extension of her Canadian success but as a locally rooted business that could empower farmers and enrich the community.

Her Laza Lollies are made from locally sourced fruits like mangoes, pineapples, bananas, and strawberries. They are dairy-free, free from artificial flavors, and branded as “Proudly Made in Rwanda.” To add a cultural touch, the packaging features Imigongo-inspired designs, a traditional Rwandan art form.

As reported by the Rwandan outlet The New Times, Gebrekristos explained, “What makes our lollies special is not just their taste. They represent a partnership with Rwandan farmers and the celebration of local resources. Every flavor carries the story of the land and the people who cultivate it.”

Turning Challenges into Success

Establishing her business was not without challenges. Gebrekristos had to navigate Rwanda’s business environment, adapting to local regulations and market dynamics. “Starting a business in a place you’re unfamiliar with isn’t easy,” she admitted. “But when you adapt to local procedures and embrace the culture, things start to fall into place,” she told The New Times Rwanda.

Fortunately, Rwanda’s conducive political climate and market-oriented economic policies have been instrumental in supporting entrepreneurs like Gebrekristos. The Rwandan government has prioritized entrepreneurship and innovation as pillars of economic growth. Institutions like the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) streamline the process of business registration and provide support to new ventures, making it easier for entrepreneurs to transition their ideas into viable enterprises.

Gebrekristos credits these policies with helping her navigate the learning curve. “The encouragement for local businesses and the ease of engaging with institutions like the RDB gave me the confidence to move forward,” she said. “It’s a system that supports initiative and rewards persistence.”

A Vision for Empowerment and Self-Reliance

For Gebrekristos, her journey is about more than expanding her business—it’s about fostering pride in Rwandan-made products and demonstrating the power of local resources. “Instead of throwing away excess fruit, we’re creating something that preserves it, supports the farmers, and contributes to the local economy,” she said.

Her long-term goal is to expand Laza Lollies across Rwanda, giving more people access to her natural and nutritious treats while continuing to uplift local farmers. She also hopes her success will inspire others to pursue sustainable ventures in Africa.

The Role of Policy in Driving Entrepreneurship

The success of ventures like Laza Lollies underscores the importance of a supportive policy framework in fostering entrepreneurial growth. By creating a stable political environment, streamlining regulatory processes, and promoting market-oriented policies, governments can encourage entrepreneurs to invest and innovate.

Rwanda has made entrepreneurship a cornerstone of its economic strategy, creating conditions where businesses can thrive. Gebrekristos’s story demonstrates how this environment attracts both local and international entrepreneurs who bring ideas, skills, and investment to the table. Such initiatives are critical for African nations seeking to harness their human and natural resources for long-term growth.

Lessons for Aspiring Entrepreneurs

Gebrekristos’s journey offers a vital lesson: challenges can become opportunities with the right mindset. By identifying gaps in the market, building partnerships with local communities, and embracing sustainability, entrepreneurs can create impactful businesses.

“To succeed, you need to adapt to your environment and work with what’s available,” she advises. “Opportunities are everywhere if you’re willing to look for them and align them with the needs of the community.”

A Call for Eritrean Transformation

The inspiring story of Melku Gebrekristos offers a blueprint for other African nations, including Eritrea. Her ability to integrate innovation with cultural and economic empowerment highlights the transformative potential of entrepreneurship.

Melku Gebrekristos exemplifies the entrepreneurial spirit that Eritrea needs to achieve transformation and prosperity. By harnessing local resources, empowering farmers, and tackling challenges with innovative solutions, she sets a benchmark for Eritreans both at home and abroad.

lolibrand

This mindset of creativity and resilience can unlock Eritrea’s vast potential in agriculture, manufacturing, and beyond. By fostering self-reliance and sustainable development, we can ensure our nation thrives for generations to come.

The Road Ahead

Gebrekristos’s success in Kigali demonstrates that small steps, when rooted in purpose, can lead to significant change. Her story is not just about building a business; it’s about building a legacy that uplifts communities, transforms industries, and inspires future leaders to see Africa’s potential through fresh eyes.

For aspiring entrepreneurs in Eritrea and across Africa, the message is clear: the path to transformation lies in bold thinking, resourcefulness, and a supportive political and economic environment.

Getachew’s Calls for Peace: Reckoning with a Troubled Legacy in Eritrean Relations

By
SETIT
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Getachew Reda, the President of Tigray’s Interim Administration, recently called for peaceful relations with Eritrea, stating, “We want to make peace with the Eritreans; war must no longer be an option.” While his remarks reflect a welcome shift in rhetoric, they cannot be fully appreciated without examining the TPLF’s historical approach to Eritrea, marked by contradictions, unresolved actions, and selective accountability.

A History of Resistance to Peace

Over the past 25 years, the TPLF-led Ethiopian government consistently resisted meaningful peace efforts with Eritrea. The 1998-2000 war, sparked by disputes over the border town of Badme, devastated both nations. Despite the Algiers Agreement in 2000 and the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) ruling awarding Badme to Eritrea, the TPLF-dominated government defied international law, refusing to withdraw and prolonging the stalemate for two decades.

During this period, the TPLF leveraged Western diplomatic and financial support to isolate Eritrea. The result was a suffocating economic and diplomatic blockade on Eritrea, with sanctions and international narratives shaped against the country. While some Tigrayan scholars have since admitted to this strategy, TPLF leaders, including Getachew Reda, continue to avoid acknowledging their role in undermining Eritrean sovereignty.

The November 2020 War and its Consequences

Getachew’s recent remarks also omit critical details about the November 2020 conflict. Tensions erupted when TPLF forces attacked Ethiopia’s Northern Command in Tigray, triggering a war that extended into Eritrea. The TPLF’s launch of rockets into Eritrean cities marked a significant escalation, directly involving Eritrea in the conflict.

During the Tigray war, divisive rhetoric and actions by TPLF generals further strained relations with Eritrea. General Migbay’s inflammatory remarks targeting Eritrean social groups, particularly those of Islamic faith, were not only divisive but also dangerous. Such tactics contradicted any claims of fostering unity or peace with Eritrea.

The Irony of Accountability

While Getachew emphasizes accountability for atrocities committed during the Tigray conflict, he and his comrades remain silent about their actions toward Eritrea. For 20 years, the TPLF defied the EEBC ruling, occupying Eritrean territories and refusing to implement the Algiers Agreement. Even after the Pretoria Peace Agreement, officials like former Ethiopian Ambassador and one negotiators of Pretoria agreement, Wondimu Asaminew have questioned Eritrea’s right to administer its territories, suggesting international tribunals—a stark irony considering TPLF’s prior violations of international law.

This selective approach to accountability highlights a deeper issue: some Tigrayan elites, stuck in outdated notions of regional dominance, have consistently resisted genuine peace efforts with Eritrea.

A Path to Genuine Peace

Getachew’s call for peace is significant, but it remains hollow without a full reckoning of past actions. True reconciliation demands acknowledgment of the TPLF’s role in prolonging the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict, instigating the 2020 war, and using divisive strategies to undermine Eritrean sovereignty.

Eritrea’s resilience over the years has redefined the balance of power in the Horn of Africa. The global dynamics that once favored the TPLF have shifted toward a more balanced multipolar world, where attempts to isolate Eritrea are unlikely to succeed.

For peace to take root, TPLF leaders must go beyond rhetoric and embrace accountability. As Getachew himself acknowledged, “Guns have gone silent, but thousands live in extreme vulnerability.” The path forward must include rebuilding trust with Eritrea, honoring agreements, and fostering genuine regional stability.

Conclusion: Peace is a Two-Way Street
The road to peace is not a one-way street. Getachew’s words must be matched by actions that demonstrate a willingness to repair the damage done to Eritrea. Only through accountability, honesty, and mutual respect can the wounds of the past begin to heal.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "Getachew’s Calls for Peace: Reckoning with a Troubled Legacy in Eritrean Relations", are those of SETIT and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "Getachew’s Calls for Peace: Reckoning with a Troubled Legacy in Eritrean Relations", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ SETIT እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

France 24’s Dishonest reporting from the Tigray Region of Ethiopia

By
Abel Kebedom
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1

Recently, I came across a video report by a France 24 journalist who implicitly claimed she was reporting from an Ethiopian area occupied by Eritrea. Watching her report, I couldn’t help but be reminded of President-elect Donald Trump’s characterization of certain news organizations as “fake news.” Here’s why:

She Was Reporting from the Tigray Region of Ethiopia
The village she reported from is located in Ethiopia, with no Eritrean presence. The journalist mentioned that cars were not allowed in the area. If the village was not under Eritrean control and cars were absent, whose fault is that? Does she not realize that many villages in the region are inaccessible by car, relying instead on animals for transportation? She also showed a neglected school, attempting to blame Eritrea. However, the school is in Ethiopian territory, making it the responsibility of the Tigray regional government to repair the building and hire teachers. Eritrea has no connection to the area from which she claimed to report.

She Falsely Used the Term “Occupied Territories”
The so-called journalist could benefit from a basic legal education. After two years of intense fighting, Ethiopia and Eritrea signed the Algiers Agreement on December 12, 2000, committing to resolve their border dispute through final and binding arbitration. The Ethiopia-Eritrea Boundary Commission (EEBC), established by the agreement, held hearings at the Peace Palace in The Hague in December 2001. On April 13, 2002, the EEBC issued its final and binding decision, even virtually demarcating the boundary. There is no ambiguity regarding the border. Her claim that Eritrea illegally occupied Ethiopian territories is entirely false and misleading.

Eritrea Did Not Expel Settlers
After the EEBC’s verdict, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)-dominated Ethiopian government refused to vacate areas designated as Eritrean territory and even resettled additional people. When TPLF forces were eventually expelled, Eritrea allowed the settlers to remain as long as they abided by its rules and policies. The journalist should have acknowledged this act of goodwill by the Eritrean government. Instead, she chose to ignore it entirely, revealing her bias.

Claims of Rape and Kidnapping
Unlike in Ethiopia’s bordering Tigray region, Eritrea is one of the safest and most peaceful countries in the Horn of Africa. People can move freely at any time, day or night, without fear. Crimes like rape and theft are virtually nonexistent and are considered taboo. If the journalist had been honest and diligent, she would have investigated the rampant violence in Tigray, where killings, daily rapes, and kidnappings for ransom are common. Instead, she misdirected blame onto Eritrea to serve her political agenda.

The Issue of Aid
Eritrea has a policy of self-reliance and does not distribute food aid to its people. The assumption that survival depends on aid reflects a patronizing “white savior” mentality, which has no place in Eritrea. That said, settlers from disputed areas are free to move to Tigray, where they can access aid if they wish. This is a personal choice, not Eritrea’s responsibility.

Conclusion
Most Western journalists who report from Africa arrive with premeditated agendas and ready-made narratives. Expecting balanced and honest reporting from such biased individuals is akin to expecting milk from an ox. Fortunately, thanks to the EEBC’s decision, the Ethiopia-Eritrea border has been clearly demarcated since April 13, 2002. Anyone capable of reading a map cannot mistake the boundary, even by a meter. As the esteemed legal scholar Professor Lea Brilmayer has noted, Eritrea and Ethiopia may need to install physical markers in densely populated areas to prevent unintentional crossings, but that’s about it. Dubious reports from biased journalists change nothing. Eritrea, an independent and resilient nation, remains a target of the Western propaganda machine.

Eternal glory to our martyrs.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions titled "France 24’s Dishonest reporting from the Tigray Region of Ethiopia", are those of Abel Kebedom and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Setit Media. ኣብዚ "France 24’s Dishonest reporting from the Tigray Region of Ethiopia", ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ ተገሊጹ ዘሎ ርእይቶን ሓሳብን ናይ Abel Kebedom እምበር መትከላትን መርገጽን ሰቲት ሚዲያ ዘንጸባርቕ ኣይኮነን።

Eritrean-Swedish Journalist Detained Without Trial for 23 Years Honored with Swedish Human Rights Prize

By
SETIT
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0

Dawit Isaak, a journalist with dual Eritrean-Swedish citizenship who has been held in Eritrean prison without trial since 2001, has been awarded the Edelstam Prize in recognition of his “exceptional courage” in advocating for freedom of expression. The Edelstam Foundation, which bestows the prestigious human rights prize, announced that Isaak was selected for his unwavering commitment to press freedom despite enduring years of detention under severe conditions.

Dawit, one of the founders of Setit, Eritrea’s first independent newspaper, was detained in September 2001 following a crackdown on private media by the Eritrean government. Setit had published letters urging democratic reform, which the government labeled a threat to national security. Alongside Isaak, approximately two dozen individuals, including senior government officials and other journalists, were arrested in a sweeping purge targeting dissenters. The Eritrean government has since provided no information regarding Isaak’s health or whereabouts, and many of those detained at that time are believed to have died in custody.

The Edelstam Foundation issued a statement urging Eritrea to release Isaak and called on authorities to disclose his location and grant him access to legal representation. Caroline Edelstam, chair of the Edelstam Prize jury, described Isaak’s prolonged detention as an “enforced disappearance,” noting that he has been denied contact with his family, consular support, and the right to legal counsel.

“Dawit Isaak’s indefatigable courage stands as a testament to the principle of freedom of expression,” Edelstam stated, adding that he is currently the longest-detained journalist in the world. Isaak’s daughter, Betlehem Isaak, is expected to accept the award on his behalf during a ceremony on November 19 in Stockholm.

The Edelstam Prize, established in honor of Swedish diplomat Harald Edelstam, celebrates individuals who demonstrate outstanding bravery in the defense of human rights. The foundation’s statement emphasized the need for international pressure on Eritrea to secure Isaak’s release and called for broader advocacy for human rights reforms in the country.

Eritrea, where the government eliminated private media under a national security directive in 2001, remains the only African nation without independent press outlets. President Isaias Afwerki, in power since the country’s independence in 1993, has ruled for over three decades without elections, maintaining strict control over political expression and freedom of the press. Isaak, who became a Swedish citizen in the late 1980s after fleeing Eritrea’s war for independence, returned after Eritrea’s independence to contribute to the nascent nation’s independent press—a decision that ultimately led to his prolonged imprisonment.

The Edelstam Foundation joins international organizations and human rights advocates in calling for Isaak’s immediate release and for the Eritrean government to uphold fundamental freedoms within its borders.

PFDJ Reportedly Preparing for First Party Congress in Over 30 Years

By
SETIT
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0

According to information provided to Setit under conditions of anonymity, Eritrea’s ruling party, the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), may be preparing to convene a congress in early 2025, marking its first since 1994. If confirmed, this would represent the first PFDJ congress since the former Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) transitioned from a liberation movement into a political party. Since then, only a few legislative meetings have occurred, the last one in 2002.

With decades passing since the previous congress, this event would likely highlight the absence of prominent figures lost to exile, detention, or passing. Observers speculate that the advanced age of key leaders, many of whom are now in their late 70s and 80s, might be prompting the party to consider younger leadership to ensure continuity.

A former revolutionary member, also speaking to Setit, indicated that the motivations behind this congress may focus on securing continued control rather than advancing national progress. They suggest that PFDJ leaders aim to preserve their hold over the country. From their perspective, genuine reform would entail accountability for those who enforced disappearances and political purges.

If held, the congress could provide an opportunity for the government to fill vacant positions with younger leaders and potentially introduce new ministerial roles. However, the scope of proposed reforms remains uncertain. Speculation suggests the agenda might touch on implementing a new constitution—although not the one drafted and ratified in 1997. Broader economic or judicial reforms seem unlikely, and any gestures toward releasing political prisoners would likely be symbolic rather than signaling substantial legal change.

A major challenge would involve transferring crucial knowledge from current leaders, many of whom are independence-era veterans, to the next generation. Over the years, numerous skilled members have been forced into exile, detained, or sidelined indefinitely.

As Eritrea approaches this possible congress, the nation stands at a critical juncture. Eritreans are watching closely to see if the event will catalyze meaningful reform or maintain the status quo. As 2025 approaches, hope for a more democratic and inclusive future endures, though the path remains uncertain and challenging.

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