Abstract
Oromummaa—the concept of “Oromo-ness”— has emerged as a foundational ideology for contemporary Oromo political, cultural, and national identity. While the term is a recent linguistic innovation, its conceptual roots are deeply embedded in traditional Oromo institutions, particularly the Gadaa system, Safuu (moral order), and oral literature. This article examines the historical development, political articulation, and regional implications of Oromummaa. It traces its evolution from pre-colonial cultural frameworks through its ideological formalization by diaspora intellectuals, notably Asafa Jalata, and its central role in modern Oromo nationalist movements such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Qeerroo youth movement. In the diaspora, Oromummaa functions as both a cultural anchor and a political tool, reinforcing identity while enabling transnational activism. The article also addresses the contentious role of Oromummaa within Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism, where competing nationalisms and territorial claims have led to interethnic friction, especially with Amhara, Somali, and Afar groups. Additionally, it considers the geopolitical concerns raised by Eritrea and other regional actors in response to perceived Oromo ascendancy.
Through a strategic forecasting framework (2025-2030), the study outlines three potential trajectories for Oromummaa: civic reform, ethnic polarization, and state fragmentation. The findings highlight the importance of cultivating inclusive and pluralistic interpretations of Oromo identity to ensure stability in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.
Keywords: Oromummaa, Oromo nationalism, ethnic federalism, diaspora politics, Ethiopia, Horn of Africa, Gadaa system
Introduction
The emergence of Oromummaa as both a cultural identity and political ideology marks a significant transformation in the historical trajectory of Oromo self-definition. Within the framework of Ethiopia’s ethnically based federal system, Oromummaa has come to represent not only a reclamation of suppressed identity but also a framework for political mobilization and resistance. This paper explores the conceptual evolution of Oromummaa, its roots in Oromo traditions, its modern articulation by intellectuals and activists, and its geopolitical implications in a rapidly changing Horn of Africa.
Etymology and Conceptual Foundations
The term Oromummaa combines “Oromo” with the suffix -ummaa, meaning “-ness” or “state of being” in Afaan Oromo (Jalata, 2008). While the term itself gained currency in the late twentieth century, the concept it expresses— Oromo identity, culture, values, and worldview— has a much older lineage. It draws heavily from traditional institutions such as the Gadaa system, a cyclical and age-graded system of governance, and Safuu, the Oromo code of ethical conduct and social responsibility (Hassen, 1990; Buicha, 2011).
These cultural frameworks have historically governed community relations, leadership transitions, justice systems, and spiritual life. Oromummaa, therefore, is not an invention of modern nationalism but a revival and rearticulation of pre-existing identity structures through a contemporary lens (Jalata, 2007).
Historical Origins and Ideological Development
Pre-Colonial and Traditional Foundations
Oromo identity was historically anchored in systems of communal life, ritual leadership, and oral tradition. The Gadaa system, as a form of indigenous democracy, institutionalized leadership, military organization, and jurisprudence. Its cyclical transfer of power every eight years reinforced egalitarianism and collective responsibility (Hassen, 1990). Similarly, Safuu emphasized respect for life, elders, nature, and cosmic balance. Together, these formed the ethical and political foundation upon which later articulations of Oromummaa would build (Bulcha, 201 1).
Resistance under Imperial Rule
The late nineteenth century brought violent integration of Oromo regions into the Abyssinian empire under Menelik ll. The conquest resulted in mass land dispossession, forced assimilation, and marginalization of Oromo language and culture (Jalata, 2007). This colonial encounter catalyzed Oromo political consciousness, though it remained fragmented along regional and clan lines. By the early 20th century, oral narratives and folklore began to encode themes of resistance and communal identity that foreshadowed the later rise of Oromummaa.
The Political Articulation of Oromummaa
Oromo Liberation Front and Early Ideologues
The formation of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 1973 marked a critical institutionalization of Oromo nationalist ideology. Leaders such as Baro Tumsa, often credited with the slogan “Oromo first} emphasized a unified national identity that transcended internal divisions (Jalata, 2008). The OLF positioned the Oromo struggle as one of anti-colonial liberation rather than mere political dissent. While the term Oromummaa was not yet widely used, its ideological tenets— self-determination, cultural autonomy, and historical restoration—were being developed.
The Role of Asafa-Jalata
Sociologist Asafa Jalata played a seminal role in naming, theorizing, and disseminating Oromummaa as a master ideology. His 2007 book Oromummaa: Oromo Culture, Identity and Nationalism compiled speeches and essays that defined Oromummaa as a civilizational and political project rooted in indigenous Oromo values. In a subsequent 2008 article, Jalata described Oromummaa as the ideological core of the Oromo national movement, linking it to democratic values, social justice, and resistance against internal colonization (Jalata, 2008).
Oromummaa in Contemporary Oromo Politics
Identity Consolidation
Oromummaa serves as a unifying principle across Oromo communities divided by religion, dialect, or geography. It facilitates a pan-Oromo identity that centers collective memory and cultural continuity over sectarian or regional loyalties. This has been crucial in building solidarity across diverse constituencies within the Oromo nation (Bulcha, 201 1).
Political Mobilization and Protests
Movements such as Qeerroo—the youth-led mobilization that galvanized the 2014-2018 protests—used Oromummaa as both rallying cry and ideological framework. These protests,
triggered by land dispossession and political exclusion, led to significant shifts in Ethiopian politics, including the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and the rise of Abiy Ahmed (Jalata, 2014). While hailed as victories, these shifts have also sparked renewed debates over the meaning and limits of Oromummaa as a political force.
Cultural Renaissance
Oromummaa has catalyzed a cultural revival in music, education, and historical narrative. Artists like Hachalu Hundessa used music to articulate Oromo pride and resistance. The increased use of Afaan Oromo in media and education, the revalorization of Oromo heroes, and the celebration of traditional attire and festivals all reflect a growing confidence in Oromo cultural self-expression (Bulcha, 201 1).
Oromummaa in the Diaspora
Identity Formation and Cultural Transmission For second-generation Oromos in diaspora communities such as Minneapolis, Toronto, and Melbourne, Oromummaa provides an emotional and ideological bridge to ancestral heritage. Language schools, cultural centers, and Oromo led religious institutions help transmit values rooted in Oromummaa (Jalata, 2014).
Political Engagement and Transnational Advocacy
Diaspora Oromo communities have played a pivotal role in internationalizing the Oromo struggle. Hashtags like #0romoProtests and #JusticeForHachalu have brought global attention to local Ethiopian issues. Diaspora-led organizations such as the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) have produced a substantial body of academic work legitimizing the Oromo narrative and advocating for justice, equality, and federal reform (Jalata, 2008; Bulcha, 2011).
Regional Friction and Geopolitical Implications
Interethnic Tensions in Ethiopia
While Oromummaa is framed by its advocates as inclusive and democratic, it is perceived by some groups—especially Amhara, Somali, and Afar elites—as exclusionary or expansionist.
Territorial disputes in areas like Addis Ababa
(Finfinne) and the borderlands with Somali and Afar regions have occasionally escalated into violent confrontations. These frictions are exacerbated by Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism, which institutionalized ethnic identity as the basis for political power (Tronvoll, 2000).
The Eritrean Factor
Eritrea, under the leadership of president Isaias Afwerki, remains skeptical of both Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism and the rising influence of Oromo nationalism. While outright conflict between Eritrea and Oromia-led Ethiopia remains unlikely in the short term, scenarios involving state collapse, Oromo-led autonomy, or pan-Cushitic mobilization could trigger preemptive Eritrean action. Eritrea may also
support rival factions to curb Oromo ascendancy and maintain strategic balance in the Horn (Keller, 1995).
Strategic Outlook: Scenarios for 2025-2030
A strategic forecast identifies three plausible trajectories for Oromummaa:
Civic Nationalism: Oromummaa evolves into a multicultural, civic framework. Ethiopia undergoes peaceful reform. Eritrea remains neutral.
Cold Ethnic Competition: Oromummaa remains strong but contested. Political fragmentation occurs. Eritrea backs opposition groups.
State Fragmentation and Conflict: Oromummaa radicalizes. Oromia asserts autonomy. Civil conflict and foreign intervention follow.
The determining variable will be whether Oromummaa is institutionalized as an inclusive civic identity or leveraged as an exclusive nationalist tool.
9. Conclusion
Oromummaa encapsulates the historical, cultural, and political aspirations of the Oromo people. It is both a revivalist movement rooted in indigenous knowledge and a contemporary political project navigating Ethiopia’s contested statehood. Its potential lies in its ability to unify across differences and offer a democratic vision of federalism. Yet its risks stem from exclusivism, radicalization, or misinterpretation by rival groups and external actors. The future of Oromummaa—and by extension, Ethiopia— depends on the delicate balance between cultural pride and inclusive governance.
The author can be reached at : [email protected]
References
Bulcha, M. (201 1). Contested narratives and the quest for identity: The Oromo in contemporary Ethiopia. Addis Ababa: Shama Books.
Hassen, M. (1990). The Oromo of Ethiopia: A history 1 570-1860. Cambridge University Press.
Jalata, A. (2007). Oromummaa: Oromo culture, identity and nationalism. Atlanta, GA: Oromia Publishing.
Jalata, A. (2008). Oromummaa as the master ideology of the Oromo national movement. Journal of Oromo Studies, 1 5(2), 1 -30.
Jalata, A. (2014). Promoting and developing Oromummaa: The core element of the Oromo struggle. Journal of Oromo Studies, 21 (1 & 2), 1 -22.
Keller, E. J. (1995). Understanding conflict in the Horn of Africa. In M. Ayoob (Ed.), Regional conflict in the Horn of Africa (pp. 23-54). Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Tronvoll, K. (2000). Ethiopian identity and the politics of power: A study of the struggle between Oromo nationalism and the Ethiopian state. Brill.
Note: I dedicate this article to the memory of the late Sisai Ibssa, a towering Oromo intellectual and a champion of his people’s quest for recognition and justice, who, along with his surviving wife, Bonnie K. Holcomb, wrote Invention of Ethiopia: The Making of a Dependent Colonial State in Northeast Africa.
May his spirit guide Eritrean and Oromo intellectuals and inspire the deep-rooted cooperative work cultivated from the 1970s to the the very recent.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/local/2005/09/15/sisai-ibssa-dies-at-60/fb80f284-f2ee-4ef9-834a-37a3e53f4482
