Introduction:
Since March 2024, I deactivated my former Twitter account as I not only wanted to take a break from the brain rot that I encounter in HOA politics, but also wanted to reduce the time I spend online. However, I recently reactivated my account just to take a little peek at what people were talking about online. Unsurprisingly, it’s business as usual with people hurling insults at each other. The classic “Komal Agame,” “CIA agent,” “Diet HGDEF,” and “Langa-Langa” name-calling is still common. One side is not tolerant of dissent, and the other side is not tolerant of political centrism or balance. Eritrean politics now resemble a soccer team where you can choose two sides or just be a spectator.
However, one tweet caught my attention; it was by Sirak Bahlibi, who I believe has been recalled to Asmara. I know little of that individual, but I know him well enough to understand that he represents the government in the Nordic countries.
The tweet goes as follows:
“The #Eritrean political system must be built on nationalism, i.e. safeguarding national interest, developing and strengthening the unity of our people, and preserving independence” The National Charter
— Sirak Bahlbi (@SirakBahlbi) April 16, 2024
In a book club that I was participating in, the former EPLF central committee member and former PFDJ MP/ambassador, Andeberhan Woldegiorgis, stated that the national charter has been “set aside” and the “constitution has been relegated to collecting dust.” However, one thing I have noticed during the days when I was active on Twitter is that PFDJ would occasionally cite parts of the National Charter. But one thing I have wondered about is, is the charter a checklist, or a document to cherry-pick from?
This is not to say that the statement Sirak quoted is something we should ignore. In fact, I firmly believe in Eritrean nationalism and safeguarding our interests! But I believe that we have deviated a bit too far from the goals in the national charter. Let me start by giving credit where credit is due before I move onto the pressing matters.
The Good:
1. National Harmony is robust and strong. Sometimes, I believe we need to appreciate that Eritrea has not turned into another Iraq, Libya, or Syria, where the people are turning against their own, or even Ethiopia which as of 2024 is currently experiencing ethnic violence. However, that cannot be said for the diaspora, which I believe needs national reconciliation. I will elaborate more on that later.
2. Social Development: Adult literacy has improved by 80%, with the Ministry of Education head Tikabo Aymut leading the campaign. Healthcare has steadily improved, especially during the days when Saleh Meki was the Ministry of Health. However, Eritrea has lots of room for improvement, and I strongly believe that the government has the duty to engage with diasporan Eritreans even more to further bolster all sectors in Eritrea for timely development.
3. Pride for Heritage: True Eritreans, meaning those who are proud of their background regardless of the situation the country is in, have pride in their heritage.
4. National Security: National Security is the backbone of every nation, and Eritrea takes it very seriously. It has been able to counter external threats posed on the nation tactically.
The Bad:
1. Political Democracy: In the national charter, it states that “for the people of Eritrea, to be active participants and become decision-makers in the administration and conduct of their lives and of their country, with their rights guaranteed by law and in practice.” However, I can’t really see that “democracy” is prevalent in Eritrea. Often, PFDJ would tie the word democracy to social justice, such as having clean water, electricity, and the right to education. This is called human rights.
The definition of democracy is to have political pluralism, where people can express their ideas freely without being reprimanded, or worse, arrested and disappeared. From Bitweded, to the G-15, and to Berhane Abrehe, the Eritrean government has conveyed the message that dissent is not tolerated. This attitude needs to change. Without pluralism, you are in an echo chamber. Growth can only occur when one’s ideas are actively being challenged.
2. Economics: The ruling party adheres to a Socialist/Communist/Maoist ideology, in which all enterprises, be it factories, telecommunications, aviation, entertainment, media are all dominated by the government. However, history shows us that Communism has never worked. It is a concept and idea that while sounding good on paper, will fail miserably when put into practice. That is why countries such as China and Vietnam have reformed into market-oriented policies, with Cuba following in those countries’ footsteps. The absence of a formal economic institution, banking system, as well as sanctions has crippled the Eritrean economy. However, I believe that the shared responsibility of Eritrea’s economic mishaps is 60% PFDJ, 40% by external factors, such as war and sanctions. Thus, economic reform is imminent if Eritrea wants to make real development.
3. Diaspora Tensions: The Eritrean diaspora is essentially an auxiliary of Eritrea, with strong transnational connections. If we are honest, most Eritreans in the diaspora are strongly patriotic of the country they are from rather than the country that they are in. That is not to say that is a bad thing, however. Thus, we see remittances, the 2% tax, and gatherings by Eritrean Ambassadors/Officials in ECCC chapters across North America, Europe, and other regions of the world. However, in recent years, Eritrean politics have become a boiling pot in the diaspora. Churches are splitting due to politics, people are not as engaged in the community, and riots are breaking out.
You might be wondering why I am going on a tangent on the diaspora when the topic is about the national charter. That is because the diaspora will eventually be the ones rebuilding Eritrea when all the conditions and reforms are met. I truly believe that reconciliation needs to be made; otherwise, we would have the same people pitting against each other when that energy can go towards working together. We Eritreans need to learn how to listen to each other and understand each other’s concerns and grievances, then to negate or ignore them.
4. “A Broad-Based Movement”: The front, or colloquially known as the Gimbar, was initially designed to be a catch-all party, where all “patriotic Eritreans” can and will be allowed into the political tent. There are some people in mind that I know in the diaspora that are, while not PFDJ, are willing to take part in the movement if the charter is 100% adhered to, but the government must show its commitment to the National Charter. PFDJ right now is devoid of any criticism,
and as we have learned with G-15 and Berhane Abrehe, internal dissent is squashed. This is something the government needs to change its attitude on.
Conclusion:
Many people have said this, including myself, but I will continue to repeat it. The National Charter should 100% be adhered to. It should not be cherry-picked. Instead, it should be used as a checklist. The Charter is the second most important document, with the Eritrean Constitution being the first most important. If the Eritrean government wants to show that they are willing to adhere to the National Charter and change the political landscape, the following must happen.
1. Convene a Party Congress Immediately: Isaias is approaching the age of 80 years old. No matter how “active” or “healthy” he may be, we are all bound by the timing of God and the works of mother nature. Isaias dying would be like a patriarch of a family dying without a will. When someone dies without a will, the family will most likely fight each other for the property and wealth they left behind. In our case, there is no discernable hierarchy in the government, as anyone who had some sort of political clout is disabled, dead, or dying in prison. Claims that the president’s son will be the next in line are futile and unsubstantiated. Mahmoud Sherrifo (G-15 member) is what was believed to be the Vice-President of Eritrea. However, it is believed that Sherrifo passed away nearly 21 years ago. So, the chances of Eritrea seeing a “Mandela Effect.” are very slim. I have reason to doubt that those with political clout, such as Andeberhan or Mesfin Hagos, would return to Eritrea. They are also too old now. Thus, it is time for Eritrea to figure out who will be next and who will be the next in command. We also must figure out how to fill the vacancy of the National Assembly and the Central Committee. If my calculations are correct, there is a 60% vacancy in the CC, and even more vacancies are growing as more prominent PFDJ cadres go to prison or pass away. So in short, it is high time to implement the constitution, reform the government, release political prisoners, and institutionalize economic and financial sectors for the interest of the nation and for the sake of national security.
2. Irqi (Forgiveness): Reconciliation must be done for Eritrea to move on from this dark and ugly chapter. Reconcile. Forgive. Political prisoners must be freed. If they are dead, let the family know! They should not live their lives in a paradox wondering if their loved ones are alive or dead. Whatever grievances the people may have, they should be addressed in a proper order. It is hard for us to develop as a country when these people and issues are at the back of our minds. We need closure so we can open a new and fresh chapter. My fellow Eritrean brothers, sisters, and mentors – this is a chapter we will pass. If we learn to listen to each other, I believe a lot of great things can be accomplished. Regardless of the circumstances, remain optimistic, as this storm shall pass!
Thank you.