I came across an article on my feed by Ann Garrison titled “Eritrea: We Won’t Kneel Down” on the Black Agenda Report, a news site that publishes commentary and analysis from the Black left. Although I have my reservations about leftism, I completely respect the opinions and views of other people, as everyone is entitled to them. That, however, does not mean those views are protected from criticism especially Ann’s. When I read her article, I could not help but write a counter-piece addressing the gaps and inaccuracies in her analysis, which I find shallow and lacking in understanding of the complex Eritrean political landscape, both in the country and in the diaspora. This article aims to provide a more nuanced view of political realities in the Eritrean diaspora as well as our internal governance.
To preface, not all Eritreans who attend Eritrean festivals are supporters of the government. For many, these events are social gatherings to reconnect with friends, family, and long-time acquaintances. It is true that these festivals are often dominated by pro-government Eritreans, including members of the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). National conferences hosted by the Young People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (YPFDJ) are frequently held during these events, and high-ranking PFDJ officials use them to brief the diaspora on the country’s political situation and agenda. This influence makes the festival appear pro-government, which means it is not always a welcoming space for Eritreans who have faced government persecution or hold critical views of the regime.
While some attendees avoid PFDJ-related events and focus solely on spending time with loved ones—like I did at the Dallas 2022 festival others see the festival as a government-sponsored affair, especially those with strong grievances against the current leadership.
The author appears dismissive of Eritreans with valid political grievances, reducing their concerns to a single “complaint” that “Eritrea does not practice electoral democracy.” Here is the excerpt in its entirety:
“There is, of course, a diaspora that hates the current Eritrean government and its president, Isaias Afwerki, with considerable support from American and European ideologues. They forever complain that Eritrea does not practice electoral democracy, a Western form that global elites use to subvert popular movements in Africa, just as they do here in the US. Never mind that Western governments have arranged the assassination of truly popular elected leaders like Congo’s Patrice Lumumba and Togo’s Sylvanus Olympio.”
Ann, if you are reading this, you must differentiate between legitimate calls for political reform within Eritrea and external interference in the country’s affairs. The PFDJ charter of 1994, created by Eritreans for Eritreans, outlined a framework for a multi-party system that would allow nationalist Eritreans to gradually participate in politics. Likewise, the 1997 Eritrean constitution was a homegrown legal framework, not imposed by Western powers. Despite these efforts, both documents have been left to gather dust.
Since 2002, Eritrea’s parliament (Hagerawi Baito) has not convened, and the PFDJ congress has not met since 1994. The ministerial cabinet has been inactive since 2018. Those within the government who have publicly criticized the lack of progress in implementing the charter or challenged the President have faced dire consequences. Many have been forced into exile; others have been abducted from their homes in the early hours of the morning—such as the G-15 or snatched in broad daylight, like the late Minister Berhane Abrehe, who was seized while walking with his youngest son in Asmara in 2018. Families of political prisoners often do not know whether their loved ones are alive or dead. Berhane Abrehe’s family was a rare exception, yet they were only allowed to see him in prison when he was on his deathbed. These are the incidents that divide the Eritrean people, and Ann has failed to grasp the gravity of the situation.
Eritreans are increasingly frustrated by the lack of meaningful progress under Isaias Afwerki’s leadership. While infrastructure projects like dams and agricultural revitalization in certain regions have been completed, they hardly represent the broader institutional development Eritrea needs. Too often, these achievements are used as excuses for the absence of political and institutional reform.
True progress for a developing nation like Eritrea means building a robust banking and financial system, a functioning judiciary, and effective checks and balances across all branches of government—none of which have been achieved under Isaias Afwerki. Instead, the country remains under the grip of one individual, allowing disastrous policies to pass without scrutiny or accountability.
Even playing devil’s advocate—if Eritrea’s leadership never intended to become a democracy and remains a one-party state—it still falls short as a socialist nation. Compare Eritrea with other one-party states like China, Cuba, Vietnam, and Laos. These countries have functioning bureaucracies, stable governance structures, and institutional mechanisms to ensure leadership continuity. They regularly refresh their leadership to avoid stagnation. Eritrea lacks such mechanisms.
Key positions remain vacant. The Ministry of Energy and Mines has been without a head since General Sebhat Efrem was incapacitated after a 2019 assassination attempt. The PFDJ Secretary position has been empty since Alamin Mohammed Seid’s passing in 2021. The Minister of Local Government—equivalent to a Vice President—has been vacant for months since the death of Minister Weldenkiel Abraha earlier this year. In other one-party states, such vacancies are quickly filled. In Eritrea, they linger, leaving a hollowed-out government.
Ann writes, “At this point in time and in Africa, a government should be judged on whether it serves the interests of its people and has their support, not whether it holds elections.” On this, she is correct—democracy in an uneducated society can produce poorly informed choices, a concern even Socrates voiced. But this should not excuse the Eritrean government’s failure to truly serve its people.
There are two broad groups of Eritreans: those who support the government, seeing it as a protector of national sovereignty, and those who oppose it due to human rights abuses and lack of due process. The reality is that the government selectively serves its people, leaving many disenfranchised and voiceless. Arresting citizens without due process, orphaning the children of detained politicians (such as Mahmoud Sherrifo’s son, Ibrahim, and the children of the G-15), and ignoring legitimate grievances are unacceptable, regardless of political stance. Moving forward will require cooperation between moderate pro-government Eritreans and moderate critics in shaping a post-Isaias Eritrea.
Before concluding, I must stress: this is not, in any way, a defense of Brigade N’Hamedu. I strongly condemn their actions. Violence only deepens divisions in the Eritrean diaspora. However, Brigade N’Hamedu is a symptom of the government’s failure to achieve national reconciliation. When critics are dismissed with labels like “Tigrayan,” “TPLF supporter,” or “Eritrean hater,” the hurt and anger only grow. While their actions are inexcusable, they reflect frustration born from years of being ignored.
Eritreans should have the right to attend whatever festival or organization they choose—it is a fundamental right, and interfering with it is counterproductive. I hope our festivals become more inclusive and less politically charged. But this will require national healing and reconciliation.
To Ms. Ann Garrison: I urge you to step out of your comfort zone and broaden your understanding of Eritrean issues. Read materials that challenge your views. Speak with Eritreans who do not support the government. Understand their grievances and why they hold them. After reading your article thoroughly, I do not believe you truly grasp the plight of our people.
To the other readers: I hope this article sheds light on the complexities of Eritrean diaspora politics and the internal issues that continue to shape our community.
Thank You
